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^74.4 M. U 

M386c 

v.9 

Ser.3 
1625409 



REYNOLDS HISTORICAL 
GENEALOGY COLLECTION 



3 1833 01101 0342 



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in 2013 



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COLLECTIONS 





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MASSACHUSETTS 




HISTORICAL SOCIETY./ 



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VOL. IX. 

OF THE THIRD SERIES, 



BOSTON: 

CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. 
1846. 



1625409 



RESIDENT MEMBERS, 



IN THE ORDER OF THEIR ELECTION 



Hon. John Davis, LL. I). 
Hou. Josiah Quincy, LL, D. 

I lo a . J o n n Qu inc Y Adams, LL . t) . 
Rev. John Pierce, D. D. 
Hun. Daniel Webster, LL. D. 
Hon. James Savage, LL. D. 
Rev. Charles Lowell, D. D. 
Hon. Francis C. Gray, LL. D. 
Hon. John Picxejiing, LL. D. 
Hon. Nahum Mitchell. 
Benjamin R. Nichols, Esq. 
Hon. Nathan Hale. 
Rev. Samuel Ripley. 
Hon. Edward Everett, LL. IE 
Hon. James C. Merrill. 
Rev. William Jenks, D. D, 
Rev. John G. Palfrey, D. D. 
Jared Sparks, LL. I). 
Benjamin Merrill, LL. D. 
Joseph E. Worcester, Esq. 
Joseph Willaed, Esq. 
Lemuel Skattuck, Esq. 
Isaac P, Davis, Esq. 
Rev. Joseph B. Felt. 
Hon. Lemuel Shaw, LL. D. 
Hon. James T, Austin, LL. I). 
Rey. Conveys Francis, D. 13. 
Hon. John Welles. 
Rev. Charles W. Upham. 
George Ticknor, Esq. 



Rev. John Codman, D. D. 
Hon. George Bancroft, LL, D 
Hon. Nathan Appleton. 
Hon. Rufus ChoatEj LL, J), 
Hon. John G. King. 
Rev. Alexander Young. 
lieu. Daniel A. White, LL. D. 
William Gibes, Esq. 
Josiah Bartleit, M. D. -■• -•■ 
Hon. Simon Greenleaf, LL. D. 
Hon, Francis Baylies- 
William H. Prescott, LL. D. 
Hon. Robert G. Winthrop. 
Rev. Alvan Lamson, D. D, 
Hon. Nathaniel Morton Davis. 
Hon. 'Charles Francis Adams. 
Hon. Samuel Hoar, LL. T). 
Rev. William P. Lunt. 
Rev. George 'E, Ellis. 
Hon. John C. Gray, 
Rev. Nathaniel Frothincham. D. D 
George S. Hillard, Esq. 
Hon. William Minot. 
Peleg W. Chandler, Esq. 
Rev. George W, Blagden. 
Rev. Lucius R. Paige. 
Hon. Solomon Lincoln. 
Rev. Chandler Rosbins. 
Francis Bo wen, Esq. 
Rev. John L. Sibley. 



OFFICERS 



OF THE 



MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



ELECTED APRIL 24, 1845. 



PRESIDENT. 

Hon. JAMES SAVAGE, LL. D. 

RECORDING SECRETARY. 

JOSEPH WILLAED, Esq. 

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

Rev. CHARLES LOWELL, D. D. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Rev. JOSEPH B. FELT, 

ASSISTANT LIBRARIAN. 

Rev. LUCIUS R. PAIGE. 

TREASURER. 

PELEG W. CHANDLER, Esq. 

cabinet-keeper. 
ISAAC P. DAVIS, Esq. 

STANDING COMMITTEE. 

Hon. FRANCIS C. GRAY, LL. D. 
Rev. CONVERS FRANCIS, D. D. 
Rev. ALEXANDER YOUNG. 
GEORGE TICKNOR, Esq. 
JOSEPH WILLARD, Esq. 



C O N T E N T S 



PAGE 



Memoir of James Grahame, LL. D., by Josiah Quincy . . 1 
Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden, by George Sumner . 42 

Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford, M. D., by Convers Francis . 75 
Notice of Orono, a Chief at Penobscot, by William D. Williamson 82 
Indian Tribes in New England, by William D Williamson . 92 
Queen Anne's Instructions to Governor Dudley in 1702 . 101 

Notice of the Life of Hon. Leverett Saltonstall . . '. 117 

The Christian Commonwealth : or the Civil Policy of the Rising 

Kingdom of Jesus Christ, by John Eliot . . 127 

Semi-Centennial Discourse, pronounced before the Society, Oct. 

31, 1844, by John G. Palfrey . . . . . .165 

The New England Confederacy of 1643, by John Quincy Adams 189 

.Memoir of James Bowdoin 224 

The Winthrop Papers 226 



COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION. 

Hon. FRANCIS C. GRAY, LL. D. 
Hon. ROBERT C. WINTHROP. 
Rev. ALVAN LAMSON, D. D. 
Hon. CHARLES F. ADAMS. 



HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS 



MEMOIR OF JAMES GRAHAME., LL. D. 

BY JOSIAH QUINCY. 



To the Members of the Massachusetts Historical Society, - 

Gentlemen : 

In conformity with the request expressed by your vote, in De- 
cember, 1842, I have prepared the subjoined Memoir of James 
Grahame, LL. D., author of the History of the United States of 
North America. Having never enjoyed the advantage of a personal 
acquaintance with Mr. Grahame, the sole means I then possessed of 
complying with your request were derived from his writings, and a 
short correspondence, originally official in its nature, and extended 
subsequently by an interchange of only a few letters. I should, there- 
fore, have wholly declined the undertaking, had not these slight and 
transient opportunities deeply impressed my mind with the moral purity 
and intellectual elevation of his character. It seemed to me, moreover, 
incumbent upon some American to attempt to do justice to the memory 
of a foreigner who had devoted the chief and choicest years of his 
life to writing the history of our country, with a labor, fidelity, and 
affectionate zeal for the American people and their institutions, which 
any native citizen may be proud to equal, and will find it very difficult 
to surpass. 

Under these circumstances, my purpose to attempt the task having 
been formed, I immediately communicated with Mr. Graharne's family 
and European friends, and received from his -highly accomplished 
wtuoff, from John Stewart, Esq., his son-in-law, and from Sir John 
-r . >v iiersehel, Bart-, who had maintained with him from early youth 
an uninterrupted intimacy and friendly correspondence, extracts from 
his diary, and from letters written by him to themselves or others, 
accompanied with interesting notices illustrative of his sentiments and 
views. Robert Walsh, Esq., the present American consul at Pans, 
, VOL. IX. 1 



2 Memoir of James Grahame. 

well known and appreciated in this country and in Europe for his mor- 
al worth and literary eminence, who had enjoyed the privilege of an 
intimate personal acquaintance with Mr. Grahame, also transmitted 
to me many of his letters to himself. William H. Prescott, Esq., and 
the Rev. George E. Ellis, with others of his correspondents, have ex- 
tended to me like favors. 

From these sources I have been enabled to sketch the subjoined 
outline of Mr. Grahame's life and character ; in doing which, 1 have 
studied, as far as possible, to make hrs own language the expositor of 
his mind and motives. 

JOSIAH QUINCY. 

Cambridge , 28 July, 1845. 



James Grahame, the subject of this Memoir, was born 
in Glasgow, Scotland, on the 21st of December, 1790, of 
a family distinguished, in its successive generations, by 
intellectual vigor and attainments, united with a zeal for 
civil liberly, chastened and directed by eievated religious 
sentiment. 

His paternal grandfather, Thomas Grahame, was emi- 
nent for piety, generosity, and talent. Presiding in the 
Admiralty Court, at Glasgow, he is stated to have been the 
first British judge who decreed the liberation of a negro 
slave brought into Great Britain, on the ground, that " a 
guiltless human being, in that country, must be free " ; a 
judgment preceding by some years the celebrated decision 
of Lord Mansfield on the same point. In the war for the 
independence of the United States, he was an early and 
uniform opponent of the pretensions and policy of Great 
Britain ; declaring, in the very commencement of the con- 
test, that " it was like the controversy of Athens with 
Syracuse, and he was persuaded it would end in the same 
way." 

He died in 1791, at the age of sixty, leaving two sons, 
Robert and James. Of these, the youngest, James, was 
esteemed for his moral worth, and admired for his genius ; 
delighting his friends and companions by the readiness and 
playfulness of his wit, and commanding the reverence of ail 
who knew him, by the purity of a life under the guidance 
of an ever active religious principle. He was the author 
of a poem entitled " The Sabbath," which, admired on its 
first publication, still retains its celebrity among the minor 
effusions of the poetic genius of Britain. 



Memoir of James Grahame. 3 

Robert, the elder of the sons of Thomas Grahame, and 
father of the subject of this Memoir, inheriting the virtues 
of his ancestors, and imbued with their spirit, has sustained, 
through a long life, not yet terminated, the character of a 
uniform friend of liberty. His zeal in its cause rendered 
him, at different periods, obnoxious to the suspicions of 
the British government. When the ministry attempted to 
control the expression of public opinion by the prosecu- 
tion of Home Tooke, a secretary of state's warrant was 
issued against him ; from the consequences of which he 
was saved through the acquittal of Tooke by a London 
jury. When Castlereagh's ascendant policy had excited 
the people of Scotland to a state of revolt, and several 
persons were prosecuted for high-treason, whose poverty 
prevented them from engaging the best counsel, he brought 
down, at his own charge, for their defence, distinguished 
English lawyers from London, they being deemed better 
acquainted than those of Scotland with the law of high- 
treason ; and the result was the acquittal of the persons in- 
dicted. He sympathized with the Americans in their strug- 
gle for independence, and rejoiced in their success. Re- 
garding the French Revolution as a shoot from the American 
stuck, he hailed its progress in its early stages with satisfac- 
tion and hope. So long as its leaders restricted themselves 
to argument and persuasion, he was their adherent and ad- 
vocate ; but withdrew his countenance when they resorted 
to terror and violence. 

By his profession as writer to the signet * he acquired 
fortune and eminence. Though distinguished for public 
and private worth and well directed talent, his political 
course excluded him from official power and distinction, 
until 1333, when, after the passing of the Reform Bill, he 
was unanimously chosen, at the age of seventy-four, with- 
out any canvass or solicitation on his part, at the first 
election under the reformed constituency, Lord Provost 
oi Glasgow. His character is not without interest to 
the American people; for his son, whose respect for his 
talents and virtues fell little short of admiration, acknowl- 
edges that it was. his father's suggestion and encourage- 

* An attorney. 



4 Memoir of James Grahame. 

ment which first turned his thoughts to writing the history 
of the United States. 

Under such paternal influences, James Grahame, our 
historian, was early imbued with the spirit of liberty. His 
mind became familiarized with its principles and their lim- 
itations. Even in boyhood, his thoughts were directed 
towards that transatlantic people whose national existence, 
was the work of that spirit, and whose institutions were 
framed with an express view to maintain and perpetuate 
it. 

His early education was domestic. A French emigrant 
priest taught him the first elements of learning. He then 
passed through the regular course of instruction at the 
Grammar School of Glasgow, and afterwards attended 
the classes at the University in that city. In both he was 
distinguished by his proficiency. Alter pursuing a pre- 
paratory course in geometry and algebra, hearing the lec- 
tures of Professor Playfair, and reviewing his former studies 
under private tuition, he entered, about his twentieth year, 
St. John's College, Cambridge. But his connection with 
the University was short. In an excursion during one of 
the vacations, he formed an attachment to the lady whom 
he afterwards married ; becoming, in consequence, desirous 
of an early establishment in life, he terminated abruptly his 
academical connections, and commenced a course of pro- 
fessional study preparatory to his admission to the Scottish 
bar. 

At Cambridge he had the happiness to form an acquaint- 
ance, which ripened into friendship, with Mr. HerscheJ, 
now known to the world as Sir John F. W. Herschel, 
Bart., and bv the his;h rank Jie sustains among; the as- 
tronomers of Europe. Concerning this friendship Mr. 
Grahame thus writes in his diary: — "It has always been 
an ennobling tie. We have been the friends of each other's 
souls and of each other's virtue, as well as of each other's 
person and success. He was of St. John's College, as well 
as I. Many a day w T e passed in walking together, and many 
a night in studying together." Their intimacy continued 
unbroken through Mr. Grahame's life. 

In June, 1812, Mr. Grahame was admitted to the 
Scottish bar as an advocate, and immediately entered on 



Memoir of James Graharae. 5 

the practice of Ins profession. It seems, however, not to 
have been suited to his taste ; for about this time he 
writes : — " Until now J have been my own master, and 
I now resign my independence for a service I dislike. 53 
His assiduity was, nevertheless, unremitted, and was at- 
tended with satisfactory success ; indicative, in the opin- 
ion of his friends, of ultimate professional eminence. 

In October, 1813, he married Matilda Robley, of Stoke 
Newington, a pupil of Mrs. Barbauld ; who, in a letter to 
a friend, thus wrote concerning her : — " She is by far 
one of the most charming women I have ever known. 
Young, beautiful, amiable, and accomplished ; with a fine 
fortune. She is going to be married to a Mr. Grahame, 
a young Scotch barrister. I have the greatest reluctance 
to part with this precious treasure, and can only hope that 
Mr. Grahame is worthy of so much happim^.' 1 

All the anticipations justified by Mrs. Barbauld's exalt- 
ed estimate of this lady were realized by Mr. Grahame. 
He found in this connection a stimulus and a reward for his 
professional exertions. " Love and ambition," he writes 
to his friend Herschel, soon after his marriage, " unite to 
incite my industry. My reputation and success rapidly 
increase, and I see clearly that only perseverance is wanting 
to possess me of all the bar can afford." And again, at a 
somewhat later period: — " You can hardly fancy the de- 
light I felt the other day, on hearing the Lord President 
declare that one of my printed pleadings was most excel- 
lent. Yet, although you were more ambitious than 1 am, 
you could not taste the full enjoyment of professional 
success, without a wife to heighten your pleasure, by sym- 
pathizing in it." 

Soon after Mr. Grahame's marriage, the religious princi- 
ple took predominating possession of his mind. Its depth 
and influence were early indicated in his correspondence. 
As the impression had been sudden, his friends antici- 
pated it would be temporary. But it proved otherwise. 
From the bent which his mind now received it never af- 
terwards swerved. His general religious views coincided 
with those professed by the early Puritans and the Scotch 
Covenanters; but they were sober, elevated, expansive : 
and free from narrowness and bigotry. Though his tern- 



6 Memoir of James Grahame. 

perament was naturally ardent and excitable, he was ex- 
empt from all tendency to extravagance or intolerance. 
His religious sensibilities were probably quickened by an 
opinion, which tbe feebleness of his physical constitution 
led him early to entertain, that his life was destined to 
be of short duration. In a letter to Herschel, about this 
period, he writes : — " I have a horror of deferring labor; 
and also such fancies or presentiments of a short life, that 
I often feel I cannot afford to trust fate for a day. I know 
of no other mode of creating time, if the expression be 
allowable, than to make the most of every moment." 

Mr. Grahame's mind, naturally active and discursive, 
could not be circumscribed within the sphere of profes- 
sional avocations. It was early engaged on topics of 
general literature. Me began, in 1814, to write for the 
Reviews, zzd his labors in this field indicate a mind 
thoughtful, fixed, and comprehensive, uniting great assi- 
duity in research with an invincible spirit of independence. 
In 1816, he sharply assailed Malthus, on the subject of 
" population, poverty, and the poor-laws," in a pamphlet 
which was well received by the public, and passed through 
two editions. In this pamphlet he evinces his knowledge 
of American affairs by frequently alluding to them and by 
quoting from the works of Dr. Franklin. Mr. Grahame 
was one of the few to whom Malthus condescended to 
reply, and a controversy ensued between them in the 
periodical publications of the day. In the year 1817, his 
religious prepossessions were manifested in an animated 
" Defence of the Scottish Presbyterians and Covenanters 
against the author of ' The Tales of my Landlord ' " ; 
these ^productions being regarded by him " as an attempt 
to hold up to contempt and ridicule those Scotchmen, who, 
under a galling temporal tyranny and spiritual persecu- 
tion, fled from their homes and comforts, to worship, in 
the secrecy of deserts and wastes, their God, according to 
the dictates of their conscience : the genius of the author 
being thus exerted to falsify history and confound moral 
distinctions." 

Mr. Grahame also published, anonymously, several pam- 
phlets on topics of local interest ; " all," it is said, " dis- 
tinguished for elegance and learning." In mature life, 



Memoir of James Grahame. 7 

when time and the habit of composition had chastened 
his taste and improved his judgment, — his opinions, also, on 
some topics having changed, — he was accustomed to look 
back on these literary productions with little compla- 
cency, and the severity with which he applied self-criti- 
cism led him to express a hope that all memory of his 
early writings might be obliterated. Although some of 
them, perhaps, are not favorable specimens of his ma- 
tured powers, they are far from meriting the oblivion to 
which he w r ould have consigned them. 

In the course of this year (1817), Mr. Grahame's eldest 
daughter died, — an event so deeply afflictive to him, as 
to induce an illness which endangered his life. In the 
year ensuing, he was subjected to the severest of all 
bereavements in the death of his wife, who had been the 
object of his uniimiied confidence and affection. The effect 
produced on Mr. Grahame's mind by this succession of 
afflictions is thus noticed by his son-in-law, John Stewart, 
Esq. : — " Hereafter the chief characteristic of his journal 
is deep religious feeling pervading it throughout. It is full 
of religious meditations, tempering the natural ardor of his 
disposition ; presenting curious and instructive records, at 
the same time showing that these convictions did not pre- 
vent him from mingling as heretofore in general society. It 
also evidences that ail he there sees, the events passing 
around him, the most ordinary occurrences of his own life, 
are subjected to another test, — are constantly referred to 
a religious standard, and weighed by Scripture principles. 
The severe application of these to himself, — to self-exam- 
ination, — is as remarkable as his charitable application of 
them in his estimate of others." 

To alleviate the distress consequent on his domestic 
bereavements, Mr. Grahame extended the range of his 
intellectual pursuits. In 1819, he writes, — "I have 
been for several weeks engaged in the study of Hebrew ; 
and having mastered the first difficulties, the language 
will be my own in a few months. I am satisfied with 
what I have done. No exercise of the mind is wholly 
lost, even when not prosecuted to the end originally con- 
templated.*' 

For several years succeeding the death of his wife, his 



8 Memoir of James Grahame. 

literary and professional labors were much obstructed by 
precarious health and depressed spirits. His diary during 
this period indicates an excited moral watchfulness, and a 
mind agitated by deep and solemn impressions. Thus, in 
April, 1821, he remarks : — " In writing a law-pleading to- 
day, I was struck with what I have often before rellected on, 
the subtle and dangerous temptations that our profession 
presents to us of varnishing and disguising the conduct and 
views of our clients, — of mending the natural complexion 
of a case, filling up its gaps and rounding its sharp corners." 
And in October following: — " Why is it that the crea- 
tures so often disappoint us, and that the fruition of 
them is sometimes attended with satiety ? We try to 
make them more to us than God has fitted them to be. 
Such attempts must ever be in vain. We do not enjoy 
them as the gifts and refreshments afforded us by God, and 
in subordination to his will and purpose in giving. If we 
did so, our use would be humble, grateful, moderate, and 
happy. The good that God puts in them is bounded ; but 
when that is drawn off, their highest sweetness and best 
use may be found in the testimony they afford of his ex- 
haustless love and goodness." And again, in February, 
1822: — " We are all travelling to the grave, — but in very 
different attitudes ; — some feasting and jesting, some 
fasting and praying ; some eagerly and anxiously strug- 
gling for things temporal, some humbiy seeking things 
eternal." 

An excursion into the Low Countries, undertaken for 
the benefit of his health, in 1823, enabled Mr. Grahame to 
gratify his " strong desire to become acquainted with extre- 
ma vestigia of the ancient Dutch habits and manners." In 
this journey he enjoyed the hospitalities, at Lisle, of its gov- 
ernor, Marshal Cambronne, and formed an intimacy with 
that noble veteran, which, through the correspondence of 
their sympathies and principles, ripened into a friendship 
that terminated only with their respective lives. 

About this period he was admitted a fellow of the Royal 
Society of Edinburgh, and soon after began seriously to 
contemplate writing the history of the United States of 
North America.' Early education, religious principle, and 
a native earnestness in the cause of civil liberty con- 



Memoir of James Grahame. 9 

curred to incline his mind to this undertaking. He 
was reared, as we have seen, under the immediate 
eve of a father who had been an early and uniform 
advocate of the principles which led to American in- 
dependence. In 1810, while yet but on the threshold 
of manhood, his admiration of the illustrious men who 
were distinguished in the American Revolution was 
evinced by the familiarity with which he spoke of their v 
characters or quoted from their writings. The names ( 
of Washington and Franklin were ever on his lips, and 
his chief source of delight was in American historv.* 
This interest was intensely increased by the fact, that re- 
ligious views, in many respects coinciding with his own, 
had been the chief moving cause of one of the earliest 
and most successful of the emigrations to North Amer- 
ica, and had exerted a material effect on the structure of 
the political institutions of the United States. These unit- 
ed influences elevated his feelings to a state of enthusiasm 
on the subject of American history, and led him to regard 
it as " the noblest in dignity, the most comprehensive in 
utility, and the most interesting in progress and event, of 
ali the subjects of thought and investigation." In June, 
1824, he remarks in his journal : — " I have had some 
thoughts of writing the history of North America, from the 
period of its colonization from Europe till the Revolution 
and the establishment of the republic. The subject seems 
to me grand and noble. It was not a thirst of gold or of 
conquest, but piety and virtue, that laid the foundation of 
those settlements. The soil was not made by its planters a 
scene of vice and crime, but of manlv enterprise, patient in- 
dustry, good morals, and happiness deserving universal sym- 
pathy. The Revolution was not promoted by infidelity, nor 
stained by cruelty, as in France ; nor was the fair cause of 
I reedom betrayed and abandoned, as in both France and 
England* The share that religious men had in accomplish- 
ing the American Revolution is a matter well deserving 
inquiry, but leading, I fear, into very difficult discussion." 
Although his predilections for the task were strong, it 
is apparent that he engaged in it with many doubts, and 

* Sir John F. W. Kerschel's Letters. 
VOL. IX. 2 



10 Memoir of James Grahame. 

after frequent misgivings. Nor did he conceal from himself 
the peculiar difficulties of the undertaking. The elements 
of the proposed history, he perceived, were scattered, brok- 
en, and confused ; differently affecting and affected by 
thirteen independent sovereignties ; and chiefly to be sought 
in local tracts and histories, hard to be obtained, and 
often little known, even in America, beyond the scenes in 
which they had their origin, and on which their light was 
reflected. It was a work which must absorb many years 
of his life, and task all his faculties. Not only consider- 
ations like these, but also the extent of the outline, and 
the number and variety of details embraced in his .de- 
sign, oppressed and kept in suspense a mind naturally 
sensitive and self-distrustful. Having at length become 
fixed in his purpose, — chiefly, there is reason to be- 
lieve, through the predominating influence of his relig- 
ious feelings and views, — on the 4th of December, 1824, 
he w 7 rites in his journal: — -"After long, profound, and 
anxious deliberation, and much preparatory research and 
inquiry, I began the continuous (for so I mean it) composi- 
tion of the history of the United States of North America. 
This pursuit, whether I succeed in it or not, must ever 
attract my mind by the powerful consideration, that it was 
first suggested to me in conversation with my father r Mr. 
Clarkson, and Mr. Dillwyn." And, at a subsequent date : 
— " May God (whom I have invoked in the work) bless, di- 
rect, and prosper my undertaking ! The surest way to 
execute it well is to regard it always as a service of body 
and spirit to God ; that the end may shed its light on the 
means."* In the same spirit, he writes to Mr. Her- 
schel, on the 31st of December : - — " For a consider- 
able time I have been meditating a great literary work, 
and, after much preparatory reading, reflection, and note- 
w T riting, have at length begun it. If I continue it as I 
hope to do, it will absorb much of my time and mind for 
many years. It is a history of North America, — the most 
interesting historical subject, I think, a human pen ever 



* A manuscript journal of the progress of this history, inr-ludino- the authoritifs 
consulted, was sent by Mr. Grahame, in the yenr 1835, to the President of Har- 
vard College, and was "deposited in the library of that institution, to which it now 
belongs. It is one of the documents used in the preparation of this Memoir. 



Memoir of James Grahame. 1 1 

undertook. I have always thought the labors of the his- 
torian the first in point of literary dignity and utility. 
History is every thins:. Religion, science, literature, what- 
ever men do or think, falls within the scope of history. I 
ardently desire to make it a religious work, and, in writ- 
ing, to keep the chief end of man mainly in view. Thus, 
I hope, the nobleness of the end I propose may impart 
a dignity to the means." 

The undertaking, once commenced, was prosecuted 
with characteristic ardor and untiring industry. All 
the time which professional avocations left to him was 
devoted to this his favorite field of exertion. His labors 
were continued always until midnight, and often until 
three or four o'clock in the morning, and he became im- 
patient of every other occupation. But late hours, long 
sittings, and intense application soon seriously affected 
his health, and symptoms of an overstrained constitution 
gradually began to appear. Of this state of mind, and of 
these effects of his labors on his health, his letters give con- 
tinual evidence. " I am becoming increasingly wedded to 
my historical work, and proportionally averse to the bar and 
forensic practice. At half past three this morning I desist, 
from motives of prudence (tardily operating, it must be 
confessed) rather than from weariness." — " Sick or well, 
my History is the most interesting and absorbing employ- 
ment I have ever found. It is a noble subject." * 

By application thus active and incessant, the first vol- 
ume of his w r ork, comprehending the history of the set- 
tlement of Virginia and New England, was so nearly com- 
pleted early in the ensuing May, as to admit of his then 
opening a negotiation for its publication. In a letter 
to Longman, his bookseller, Mr. Grahame expresses in 
the strongest terms his devotedness to the work, and adds : 
— -" Every day my purpose becomes stronger to abandon 
every other pursuit, in order to devote to this my whole 
time and attention." 

He now immediately set about collecting materials for 
his second volun\e. Having ascertained that it was impos- 
sible to obtain books in England, essential to the success 

* Letters to Herschel, January and February, 1825. 



12 Memoir of James Grahame. 

of his historical researches, and that rich treasures in the 
department of American history were deposited at Gottin- 
gen, he immediately transferred his residence to that city, 
and found in its library many very valuable materials for 
his undertaking. Here he also met with Sir William Hamil- 
ton, whose " unwearied labors in supplying him with infor- 
mation on the subject of his historical work, and whose 
interest in its success," he gratefully acknowledges in his 
letters ; adding, — " To him nothing is indifferent that con- 
cerns literature, or the interests of his friends." During 
Mr. Grahame's short residence on the continent of Eu- 
rope, his mother, to whom he was tenderly attached, died ; 
and he returned to England in the following September, 
1825, under a heavy depression of spirits. He resumed, 
however, his favorite labors, but. in eonseanence ^ the 
failure of his health, was soon obliged to desist. 

" The latter part of 1825 and the beginning; of 1826," his 
friend Herschel states, " was passed by Mr. Grahame in 
London, under pressure of severe and dangerous as well as 
painful illness, the exhausting and debilitating effects of 
which were probably never obliterated from his constitu- 
tion, and which made it necessary for him to seek safety in 
a milder climate than that of Scotland. Thither, however, 
he for a while returned, but only to write in a strain like 
the following:— 4 Whitehill, April 24, 1826. My bodily 
health is nearly reestablished ; but my mind is in a 
wretched state of feebleness and languor, and indifference 
to almost every thing. My History is completely at a 
stand. The last month has been the most disagreeable 
of my life. If I am not to undergo some great change in 
the state of my faculties, I do sincerely hope my life may 
not be long. My discontent and uneasiness are, however, 
mitigated by the thought, that our condition is appointed 
by God, and that there must be duties attached to it, and 
some decree of happiness connected with the performance 
of those duties. Surely, the highest duty and happiness of a 
created beinsr must arise from a willing subservience to the 
designs of the Creator.' " 

Being apprized by his physicians that a residence in' 
Scotland during the coming winter would probably prove 
fatal to him, he transferred his residence to the South of 



Memoir of James Grahame. 13 

England* and, thenceforth abandoning his profession of 
advocate, devoted himself exclusively to the completion of 
his historical work, as appears by the following entry in 
his diary: — "March, 1826. Edinburgh. I am now pre- 
paring to strike my tent, that is, dissolve my household and 
depart for ever from this place ; my physicians requiring 
me not to pass another winter in the climate of Scotland. 
1 quit my profession without regret, having little liked and 
greatly neglected it ever since I undertook the history of 
America, to which I shall be glad to devote uninterrupted- 
ly all my energies, as soon as I succeed in re-collecting 
them." 

His journal bears continued testimony to the deep inter- 
est he took in every thing American, and the philosophic 
views which he applied to the condition and duties of the 
people of the United States.—-" American writers are too 
apt to accept the challenge of Europeans to competitions 
quite unsuitable to their country. Themistocles neither 
envied nor emulated the boast of the flute-player, to whose 
challenge he answered : * I cannot, indeed, play the flute 
like you ; but 1 can transform a small village into a great 
city.' From evils of which America is happily ignorant 
there arise some partially compensating advantages, which 
she may very well dispense with. Titular nobility and 
standing armies, for example, develope politeness and hon- 
or (not honor of the purest and noblest kind) among a 
few, at the expense of depraving and depressing vast mul- 
titudes. Great inequalities of wealth, the bondage of 
the lower classes, have adorned European realms with 
splendid castles and cathedrals, at the expense of lodg- 
ing the mass of society in garrets and hovels. If Amer- 
ican writers should succeed in persuading their countrymen 
to study and assert equality with Europeans, in dramatic 
entertainments, in smooth polish of manners, and in those 
arts which profess to enable men to live idly and uselessly, 
without wearying, they will form a taste inconsistent with 
just discernment and appreciation of their political institu- 
tions. Vespasian destroyed the palace of Nero, as a mon- 
ument of luxury and pernicious to morals. The absence 
of such palaces as Trianon and Marly may well be com- 
pensated by exemption from such tyranny as the revo- 



14 Memoir of James Grahame. 

cation of the edict of Nantes, which was coeval with their 
erection." 

Of Mrs. Trollope's " Domestic Manners of the Amer- 
icans," and her depreciating view of " the society which 
he regarded with love, admiration, and hope," he thus 
writes in a subsequent page of his journal : — "What 
is truth ? Is it not as much in the position of the observ- 
er as in the condition of the observed ? Mrs. Trollope 
seems to me full-fraught with the most pitiful vulgarities 
of aristocratical ignorance and pretension ; and these 
would naturally invite the shock of what she seems to 
have met with in the antipathy of democratic insolence 
and coarseness; — -she is Basil Hall in petticoats. Think 
of such a brace of pragmatical pretenders and adventurers 
as he and she, sitting in judgment on America! " 

It is impossible not to remark the delight his mind 
took in any associations connected with America. " At the 
printing-office of Messrs. Strahan and Spottiswoode," he 
writes, " I corrected a proof-sheet of my History of North 
America, sitting within the walls of that establishment 
where Franklin once tvas a workman" Again, at Kensing- 
ton : — "I delight to stroll amid the sombre grandeur of 
these'gardens. The lofty height and deep shade of these 
magnificent trees inspire a pleasing, solemn, half-melan- 
choly gloom. Here Penn and Addison walked. Here 
Rousseau, when in England, was wont to sit and muse. 
Sometimes, in spirit, I meet their spirits here." 

The first two volumes of his work, bringing the narra- 
tive down to the period of the English Revolution, being 
at length completed, were in February, 1827, published. 
But Mr. Grahame was now destined to sustain a severe 
disappointment. His History was received with little inter- 
est by the British public, and by all the greater Reviews 
with neglect. The Edinburgh, the Quarterly, and the 
Foreign Quarterly maintained towards it an ominous si- 
lence. Some of the minor Reviews, indeed, noticed it 
with qualified approbation. For Englishmen the colonial 
history of the United States had but (ew attractions; 
and the spirit in which Mr. Grahame had treated the sub- 
ject was not calculated to gratify their national pride. He 
was thought to have " drunk too deep of the spirit of the 



Memoir of James Grahame. i 5 

Puritans " ; it was said that his " hatred of tyranny had 
terminated in aversion to monarchy,?' — that towards 
the church of England " his feelings were fanatical," to- 
wards the church of Heme "illiberal and intolerant." 

Conscious of the labor he had bestowed upon it, and of 
the fidelity with which it was executed, Mr. Grahame was 
not disheartened by the chilling reception his work met 
with from the British public, nor deterred from pursuing 
his original design; the conviction predominating in his 
mind, that sooner or later it would conciliate public esteem. 
Accordingly, in the autumn of the same jear in which. 
his first two volumes were published, he not only com- 
menced their revision, but began an extension of his 
rl istory to the period of the declaration of American in- 
dependence. His interest in his subject evidently increas- 
ed. " American history," he writes, " is my favorite 
field." — " I am averse to all other occupation."- — " I am 
pleased to gather from any quarter wherewith to decorate 
my beloved North America" **— " God bless the people and 
institutions of North America ! So prays their warm friend, 
and obscure, but industrious, historian." 

About this time, through the kindness of James Chal- 
mers, nephew of the late George Chalmers, he obtained 
admission to the library of that distinguished American 
annalist. The treasures there opened to him rekindled his 
zeal, and he renewed his historical labors with an intense 
assiduity, ill comporting with the critical state of his heal tit. 
Apprehending a fatal termination of his disease, his medi- 
cal advisers urged him to pass the ensuing winter at the 
island of Madeira : and thither his friend Herschel, 
through anxiety for his life, offered to accompany him. 
But no consideration could induce him to leave England, 
where alone the researches which occupied his mind could 
be pursued with advantage ; and for the purpose of avail- 
ing himself of the books on American history which Lon- 
don afforded, he established himself in its vicinity. 

In May, 1828, Mr, Grahame visited Paris, accompanied 
by his father, who introduced him to La Fayette. " 1 
was received," he writes, " bv this venerable and illustrious 
man with the greatest kindness. His face expresses 
grave; mild, peaceful worth, the calm consciousness and 



1 6 Memoir of James Grahamc. 

serene satisfaction of virtue. I was charmed with his dig- 
nified simplicity, his mild but generous benevolence, and 
the easy, gentle, superior sense and virtue of his think- 
ing." From Paris, Mr. Grahame travelled with his father 
along the banks of the Loire, visited Nantes, renewed his 
acquaintance with Marshal and Madame Cambronne, and 
spent some days in their family. "The modest, simple, 
chivalrous character of Marshal Cambronne," says Mr. 
Stewart, " attracted Mr. Grahame's esteem and admiration, 
and strengthened those ties of mutual interest and attach- 
ment which their former intercourse had originated." 

Returning to the neighbourhood of London in June 
following, his health recruited by his excursion, he im- 
mediately resumed, with characteristic ardor, his favor- 
ite historical pursuits. At this time the Catholic emanci- 
pation question strongly agitated the British nation, and 
Mr. Grahame's ardent love of liberty and religious tolera- 
tion excited in him a keen interest in the success of this 
measure. Having found the climate of IN antes adapted 
to his constitution, and enabling him, as he expressed him- 
self, " to labor night and day at his historical work," 
he returned to that city in October, of the same year, and 
fixed his residence there during the ensuing winter and 
spring. 

In May, 1829, on his homeward journey, he passed 
through Paris, again visited La Favette, and saw him in 
the midst of his family, " surrounded," he writes, " by a 
troop of friends, some of distinguished character and as- 
pect, and all regarding him with respect and admiration. 
Thus serene is the evening of his troubled but glorious 
life." Mr. Grahame adds : — "I had the honor and happi- 
ness of long and most interesting conversations with him, 
respecting the origin and commencement of his connection 
with the American cause. Nothing could be more friend- 
ly, kind, or benevolent than his manners : nothing more 
instructive, entertaining, or interesting than the conversa- 
tion he bestowed upon me. How mild, wise, and good La 
Fayette is! Mr. Clarkson described him to me as a man 
who desires the happiness of I he human race, in consistence 
with strict subservience to the cause of truth and the honor 
of God. I deem this a very honorable diploma. In the 



Memoir of James Grahame. 17 

company of La Fayette, I feel an elevation of spirit and 
expansion of heart. What a roll of great deeds, heroic 
virtues, and interesting scenes is engraven on the lines of 
the venerable lace of the prisoner of Olmutz! " 

From this and other conversations Mr. Grahame ac- 
knowledges that he derived the materials for various pas- 
sages in the text and notes of the fourth volume of his 
history of North America. This work he finished in De- 
cember, 1829. The intense labor which he had applied 
to its completion brought on a severe nervous fever, which 
for a short time threatened a fatal result. 

In April, 1830, Mr. Grahame was married, at Nantes, lo 
Jane A. Wilson, daughter of the Rev. Mr. Wilson, the Prot- 
estant pastor of that city. Concerning this connection, John 
Stewart, Esq., his son-in-kw, thus writes : — " From this 
period till his death, Mr. Grahame's home was at Nantes; 
and in the society of his pious, amiable, and accomplished 
wife, and under her tender and vigilant care, Mr. Grahame 
enjoyed a degree of tranquil happiness and renewed 
health to which he had been long a stranger ; — inter- 
rupted only, at times, by his tendency to excessive literary 
exertion j but at a later period more seriously and perma- 
nently, by the dangerous, lingering, and almost hopeless 
illness of his daughter. Between Mr. and Mrs. Grahame 
existed the most devoted attachment, based upon a complete 
appreciation of and profound esteem for each other's quali- 
ties and principles. They were both interesting, even in 
appearance; tall and well proportioned; — their features 
bearing the impress of a happy seriousness, while their 
demeanour evinced that peculiarly attractive stamp ol 
real gentility which Christian principles add to natural 
good-breeding." 

After his marriage, Mr. Grahame resided for several years 
at L'Eperonniere, an ancient chateau in the environs of 
Nantes: Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, the aged parents of Ins 
wife, being inmates of his family. " Through their long 
standing connections," continues Mr. Stewart, " Mr. Gra- 
hame found himself at once in the best French society ol 
Nantes. There the worth of his character soon made 
itself respected. The interest he took in every thing ai- 
fecting the Welfare of the city (to which, if necessary, be 

VOL. IX. 3 



18 Memoir of James Grahame. 

was accustomed liberally to subscribe), the urbanity of 
his demeanour in his intercourse with individuals, united 
with the generosity of his disposition, soon caused him to 
be regarded more in the li^ht of a fellow-citizen than as 
a stranger ; and in process of time all such local distinc- 
tions as his numerous friends could bestow upon him, or 
induce him to accept, were conferred on him. The influ- 
ence he thus acquired was chiefly and successfully exerted 
in the support of the small but increasing church profess- 
ing the Protestant faith at Nantes. To several French- 
men residing at Nantes Mr. Grahame became warmly 
attached ; but though his spirit of general benevolence led 
him to take a warm interest in those among whom he 
lived, and notwithstanding he saw much among the 
French to admire and respect, yet the character of his 
mind and habits, &i.cuu, serious, and retired, did not permit 
his feelings towards that country to approach to any 
thing like the warmth of his affection and admiration for 
either America or England." 

Although Mr. Grahame had finished writing his History 
in December, 1829, he was far from regarding it as ready 
for the press. He had attributed the ill success of his 
first two volumes to the haste with which they had been 
published ; he therefore resolved to devote several years 
to the revision of the entire work, and often expressed a 
doubt of its publication in his life-time. 

Nearly four years had elapsed, and the silence of the Eu- 
ropean public concerning Mr. Grahame's volumes had not 
been broken by any voice from this side of the Atlantic. 
The high price of the English edition rendered its general 
circulation in this country hopeless ; and American editors 
were yet to learn that it was possible for a foreigner and a 
Briton to treat the early history of the United States with 
fairness and impartiality. The knowledge of its nature and 
true value was confined to a few individuals. At length, in 
January, 1831, a just and discriminating critical notice 
of the work appeared in the North American Review. 
After expressing regret at the neglect with which it had 
hitherto been treated in America, and pointing out the 
causes of the little interest it had excited in this country, 
the reviewer proceeds to do justice to the independent 



Memoir of James Grahame. 1 9 

spirit of the author ; to his freedom from prejudice ; to 
" the happy discrimination he had manifested on the so- 
lution of the leading principles that led to the coloniza- 
tion of the several States, and the able exposition of the 
results which followed " ; and to his having " corrected with 
proper boldness the mistakes, whether of ignorance or 
malignity, which his predecessors in the same labors had 
committed." The reviewer adds, "Mr, Grahame, with 
a spirit able to appreciate the value of his subject, has 
published what we conceive the best book that has any- 
where appeared upon the early history of the United 
States. He has not invariably avoided errors, but has 
coped very successfully with the disadvantages of his sit- 
uation." This is believed to be the first time Mr. Gra- 
hame's History had been made, either in America or 
Europe, the special subject of notice in any leading tie- 
view. 

This high commendation of the two volumes then pub- 
lished appears by his journal to have been " very gratify- 
ing '■' to Mr. Grahame, and to have encouraged him to pro- 
ceed with the revision and preparation of his extended 
work. While, under this new incitement, he was assidu- 
ously employed in reexamining the details of his History, 
and exerting himself to render it as accurate as possible, he 
was interrupted by events which filled his domestic circle 
with grief and anxiety. In May, 1833, the death of Mrs. 
Wilson, his wife's mother, for whom he entertained an af- 
fection truly filial, was immediately followed by the danger- 
ous illness of his only daughter. Her physicians, both in 
France and England, having declared that her life depended 
upon a change of climate, Mr. and Mrs. Grahame immedi- 
ately accompanied * her to Madeira ; whence, after a resi- 
dence of nine months, they returned, her restoration being 
now deemed hopeless. She eventually recovered, however, 
in a manner " incomprehensible and unparalleled in medical 
experience," and ultimately attained a state of fair and per- 
manent health, to which the assiduous attention of her ex- 
cellent mother-in-law greatly contributed. 

On his return from Madeira, Mr. Grahame first heard 
of the death of La Fayette, to whose memory he pays 
the following tribute in his diary : — " La Fayette is 



20 Memoir of James Grahame. 

dead ! This ' sun of glory ' is blotted from the political 
firmament, which he has so long adorned. Every hon- 
est and generous breast must 'feel the sigh sincere' 
for the loss of this great man, — the extinction of an 
effulgence of honor, virtue, and wisdom so benignly 
bright. Fully and beautifully did he exemplify the 
words of Wolsey : ' Love thyself last,' and ' Corruption 
wins not more than honesty.' He drew his last breath, 
and ceased to be a part (how honored, how admirable 
a part !) of human nature, at an early hour on the twen- 
tieth of this month [May], at the age of nearly seventy- 
seven. Pity that his last days must have been embittered 
by the existing dissensions in his beloved America ! Of 
the human beings I have known, and knowing have re- 
garded with unraingled veneration, there exist now only 
JMr. Glarkson aiiG my lather, liaeciiia* strange iu iuc uiai 
La Fayette should be no more, — that such an illustrious 
ornament of human nature should disappear, and yet the 
world continue so like what it was before. Yet the 
words ' La Fayette is dead ' will cause a keen sensation 
to vibrate through every scene of moral and intellectual 
being on earth. A thousand deep thoughts and earnest 
remembrances will awaken at that name, over which ages 
of renown had gathered, while yet its owner lived and 
moved and had his being among us. France, in losing 
this man, seems to me to have lost the brightest jewel in 
her national diadem, and to have suffered an eclipse of 
interest and glory." 

During his residence in Madeira, Mr. Grahame contin- 
ued the revision of his History, and on his return, after 
devoting another year to the same object, he took up his 
residence in London for the purpose of superintending its 
publication. Here, again, his anxiety and unremitting in- 
dustry induced a dangerous illness. His restoration to 
health he attributed to the assiduous care of two of his 
friends, Mrs. Reid and Dr. Boott. The former took him 
from his hotel to her own house, and thus secured for him 
retirement, quiet, and her undivided attention. " From 
her" he says, '-• I have received the most comfortable and 
elegant hospitality, the kindest and most assiduous care and 
conversation, seasoned with genius, piety, and benevo- 



Memoir of James Grakame. 2 1 

lence, and the finest accomplishments of education." Con- 
cerning Dr. Boott, who is a native of Boston, Massachu- 
setts, established as a physician in London, Mr. Grahame 
thus 'writes in his diary:— "His knowledge is great; 
his abilities excellent; his flow of thought incessant; his 
heart and dispositions admirable. He insists that his val- 
uable attendance upon me be accepted as friendly, and 
not remunerated as professional, service. In this man, 
America has sent me one of her noblest sons, to save the 
life of her historian." 

After an interruption of six weeks, Mr. Grahame re- 
sumed the revision of the proof-sheets of his work ; and, 
having finished this labor, returned to his family, at Nantes, 
in December. In the ensuing January (1836), his History 
was published. 

r?\ ar - i — i .-,-.,-. -l, ,_j • t\t_ r< i . „ ii 

jjji^vcii ycaia Imu nUvv ciupscu. ojiiot, xtai . \_* imiaiiiU UaG 

commenced writing the history of the United States. 
More earnest and assiduous research had seldom been 
exerted by any historian. His interest in the subject was 
intense. His talents were unquestionable. There was no 
carelessness in the execution, no haste in the publication. 
A Briton, highly educated, universally respected, of a 
moral and religious character which gave the stamp of* 
authenticity to his statements and opinions, had devoted 
the best years of his life to the task of introducing his 
countrymen and the world to an acquaintance with the 
early fortunes of a people who had risen with unparal- 
leled rapidity to a high rank among the nations of the 
earth ; yet a second time his work was received with neg- 
lect by those literary Reviews in Great Britain which 
chiefly guide the taste of the public, and distribute the re- 
wards and honors of literary industry. Although highly 
wrought, elevated in sentiment, generous and noble in its 
design, all its views and influences made subservient to 
the cause of pure morals and practical piety, yet, as has 
been already observed, it was obviously not adapted to 
conciliate either the prejudices, the interests, or the feel- 
ings of the British public. It could not well be expected, 
that, under an Episcopal hierarchy, whose Roman Cath- 
olic origin and tendencies are manifest, a history of suc- 
cessful Puritanism would be acceptable. It could not be 



22 Memoir of James Grahame. 

hoped, that, in a nation which had risen to the height of 
civilization and power under a monarchy based on an 
aristocracy, a work illustrative and laudatory of institu- 
tions strictly republican would be countenanced, — much 
more, generally patronized. Mr. Grahame had, moreover, 
not only imbibed the political principles of the Puritans, 
but had caught much of their devotional spirit. Hence 
his language, at times, is ill suited to the genius of an 
age which does not regard religion as the great business 
of life, nor the extension of its influences as one of the 
appropriate objects of history. Owing to these causes, 
his work received little encouragement in Europe, and 
the knowledge of its claims to respect and attention was 
limited. Nor were these consequences confined to Great 
Britain. American readers commonly rely on the lead- 
ing Reviews of that country for notices of meritorious 
productions of Englishmen, and are not apt to make 
research after those which they neglect or depreciate. 
As Mr. Grahame belonged to no political or literary party 
or circle, he was without aid from that personal interest 
and zeal which often confer an adventitious popularity. 
He trusted the success of his work wholly to its own 
merits, and, when disappointed a second time, neither 
complained nor was discouraged, — supported, as before, 
by a consciousness of his faithful endeavours, and by 
a firm belief in their ultimate success. He had assumed 
the w T hole pecuniary risk of his extended publication, in 
four volumes octavo, which resulted in a loss of one thou- 
sand pounds sterling, — and that, at a time, as he states, 
when it was not easy for him to sustain it. Taking no 
counsel of despondency, however, he immediately began 
to prepare for a second edition of his entire work, and de- 
voted to it, during the remaining years of his life, all the 
time and strength which a constitutional organic disease 
permitted. 

Hitherto, Mr. Grahame's interest in America had been 
derived from the study of her history and institutions ; but 
in 1837 he formed an acquaintance with a few distinguish- 
ed Americans, and received from them the respect due to 
his historical labors. Among these was Robert Walsh, Esq., 
who, after a brilliant and effective literary career in this 



Memoir of James Grahame. 23 

country, had transferred his residence to Paris ; by him 
Mr. Grahame was introduced to Washington Irving. Both 
these eminent Americans united in urging him to write 
the history of the American Revolution; Mr. Walsh of- 
fering to procure for him materials, and a sufficient guar- 
anty against pecuniary loss. 

Under this influence, he now entered upon a course 
of reading embracing that period of American history; 
hut, as may be gathered from the general tenor of his 
subsequent remarks and the result, more from curiosity 
and interest in the subject than from any settled pur- 
pose of writing upon it ; for early in August of this 
year (1837), he observes in his diary: — "Mr. Walsh, 
in his letters to me, renews his urgency that I should 
write the history of the Revolutionary War. But I think 
I have done enough as a historian, and that a prudent 
regard to my own reputation bids me rather enforce my 
title than enlarge my claim to public attention." And 
about the same time he wrote to Mr. Walsh : — "I can- 
not agree with you in thinking that our beloved America 
will regard with equal complacency a historic garland at- 
tached to her brows by foreign hands, and one in which 
a son of her own blends his own renown with hers." 
Yet, from a letter to the same gentleman in September 
following, it is evident that Mr. Grahame entertained 
a strong predilection for the design ; for he thus writes : — 
"The more I pursue my present American studies, the 
more f am struck with a pleasing astonishment. The 
account of the formation of the federal constitution of 
North America inspires me with delight and admiration. 
I knew but the outline of the scene before. Now, I find 
that the more its details are examined, the more honorable 
and interesting it proves. Truly does it deserve to be 
termed the greatest scene of human glory that ever ad- 
orned the tide of human time. I wish, that, ere my health 
'^nd spirit had been broken, I had ventured to be the his- 
torian of that scene. But surely the country, the magna 
mater virion, that has produced such actors and such 
deeds, is herself destined to afford their fittest historian." 
In a similar strain he writes in his journal, under the same 
date: — "The account (by Pitkin and others), which 



24 .Memoir of James Grahame. 

I am reading, of the formation of the federal constitution 
of North America, after the achievement of her national 
independence, fills me with astonishment and admiration. 
It would make me glad to be convinced that the present 
people of America and their leaders are altogether such as 
were the Americans of those days. Far more was gained 
to America (and through her, I hope, eventually to the 
whole w r orld) by the wisdom, virtue, and moderation ex- 
hibited by her children after the War of Independence, 
than by the valor that brought that war to its happy close. 
Such a scene the history of no other country ever exhib- 
ited. I wish I had been its historian. But a fit historian 
will surely arise one day.' 7 

Botta, who had written the history of the American 
Revolution, died about this time in Paris. Mr. Grahame's 
feelings were deeply moved by the event. " I hope," he 
wrote in his diary, "that the Americans at Paris attended 
his funeral. Though only in heart an American, I would have 
desired leave to attend, had I been there." And in a let- 
ter to Mr. Walsh, he remarks : — "I hope some memoir 
of Botta will appear. It should gratify Americans to learn, 
that, on his death-bed, he related (it was to myself), that 
his son, in some distant part of the world, received civili- 
ties from the officers and crew of an American vessel, 
who instantly recognized as a friend the son of the histo- 
rian of their country, — adding, ' That was a rich reward 
of my labors.' When I told him that Jefferson had ex- 
pressed admiration of his work, he squeezed my hand and 
testified much delight. And when I told him that both 
Jefferson and John Adams condemned his speeches as ficti- 
tious, he smiled and answered with naivete, i They are not 
wholly invented.' " 

Mr. Walsh having, in conversation, expressed to Mr. 
Grahame his surprise at the partiality he evinced for his 
country and .countrymen, he replied, — "As Hannibal 
was taught bv his father to hate the Romans, so was 
1 trained by mine to love the Americans." And in writ- 
ing to that gentleman in October, 1837, he remarks, in the 
same spirit, — "I regret when I see the defence of America 
conducted with recrimination against Great Britain. But 
I must confess that my own indignation at the conduct 



Memoir of James Grahame. 25 

and language of some of my countrymen towards Amer- 
ica is at times uncontrollable. I wish that Americans 
could regard these follies with indulgence, or magnani- 
mous (perhaps disdainful) indifference. For my part, I 
can truly say, that my daughter is hardly dearer to me 
than America and American renown." 

His admiration of the character of Washington is thus 
expressed in his journal, under the date of September, 
1837: — " O, what a piece of work of divine handi- 
craft was Washington ! What a grace to his nation, his 
age, and to human nature was he ! I know of no other 
military and political chief who has so well supported the 
character delineated in these lines of Horace : — 

' Justura ac tenacern propositi virum 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
Non vultus instantis tyranni, 
Mente quatit solida.' 

With the same feeling that tempted the clergyman, who 
read the funeral service over the body of John Wesley, 
to substitute, for the formula, ' our dear brother here de- 
parted,' the words, ' our dear father here departed,' I am 
inclined to regard Washington rather as a father than a 
brother of his fellow-men. What a master, what a pupil, 
were Washington and La Fayette ! One day, when 1 was 
sitting with La Fayette, he said to me, ' I was always a 
Republican, and Washington was always my model and 
my master.' " During the same month, he wrote to Mr. 
Walsh : — " Washington impresses me with so much vene- 
ration, that I have become more than ever anxious to know 
what really was the state and complexion of his religious 
opinions"; and recurring, in a subsequent letter, to the 
same topic, he remarks : — " I find McGuire's 4 Religious 
Opinions and Character of Washington' heavy, tiresome, 
and, in general, unsatisfactory. But last night 1 reached 
a passage which gave me lively delight ; for now I can look 
on Washington as a Christian." 

Until near the close of this year, Mr. Grahame continued 
to pursue his researches on the subject of the American 
Revolution, although laboring under a constant depression 
of health and spirits, and a prevailing apprehension that 
his life would be short, and that his constitutional disor- 
ders were symptomatic of sudden death. But in December, 

vol. IX, 4 



26 Memoir of James Grahame. 

1837, his physicians prohibited him from "writing or read- 
ing for some months, on any subject likely to provoke 
much thinking"; and on the 19th of this month, he wrote 
to Mr. Walsh, that he had reason to attribute his recent 
illness to his " late historic studies, and to the anxiety of 
mind earnest meditation had induced. For me to under- 
take such a work," he says, " or even contemplate it, or 
diligently prepare for it, until my health be totally reno- 
vated (which, in all human probability, it never will be), 
would, I clearly see, be to do to the subject and to my- 
self unreasonable injustice. 1 therefore renounce it alto- 
gether. 1 hope you will not blame me, nor regret the 
trouble you have taken and the kindness you have shown 
me with the view of my prosecuting the career from which 
I have now retreated. For a long time before I had the 
pleasure Oi your acquaintance, i had icauiveu, irom a 
sense of both moral and physical incompetency, as well 
as on account of the slenderness of my success, the heav- 
iness of my pecuniary loss, and other considerations, to 
carry my historic narrative no farther. It was your 
flattering encouragement — the laus laudati viri — that 
tempted me to mistake an agreeable vision for a reasona- 
ble hope, and to embrace the purpose 1 must now painful- 
ly, but decidedly, forego. 

* Hos successus alit : possunt quia posse videntur.' 

Neither category was mine. I had no success to sustain 
me, and no internal confidence to impel me ; but the very 
reverse." 

The charge of " invention," preferred against Mr. Gra- 
hame, by Mr. Bancroft, in his History,* on account of the 
epithet "baseness" applied by him to the conduct of 
Clarke, the agent of Rhode Island, in negotiating for that 
colony the charter it obtained in 1663 from Charles the 
Second, first came to Mr. Grahame's knowledge early in 
the year 1838, and excited in him feelings of surprise and 
a deep sense of wrong. " There is here," he immediately 
wrote to Mr. Walsh, " a plentiful lack of the kindness 
I might have expected from an American, and of the 
courtesy which should characterize a gentleman and a 
man of letters. I had deserved even severer language, if 

* Vol. IL.p. 64, edit. 1837. 



Memoir of James Grahame. 27 

the invention with which I am charged were justly laid to 
me. But the imputation is utterly false. — I have written 
under the guidance of authorities, on which I have, per- 
haps erringly, certainly honestly, relied. I would rather 
be convicted of the grossest stupidity, than of the slight- 
est degree of wilful falsification ; for I greatly prefer moral 
to intellectual merit and repute." A defence against this 
attack upon Mr. Grahame's veracity as a historian was soon 
after published by Mr. Walsh, in " The New York Amer- 
ican " ; which was succeeded by another from Mr. Gra- 
hame himself, in the same paper. 

Mr. Bancroft, in a subsequent edition of his History,* 
silently withdrew the charge of " invention," and substi- 
tuted in its stead that of " unwarranted misapprehen- 
sion.' 5 It. is not apparent how this charge is more tena- 

ui\s tiictil W«3 IJJC OlllCl. 

Mr. Grahame's strictures on Clarke's conduct in the ne- 
gotiation referred to drew upon him the animadversions 
of <; some of the literati of Rhode Island." Through them, 
he became acquainted with the intrinsic worth of Clarke's 
general character, and readily acknowledged him to be 
" a true patriot and excellent man, and well deserving 
the reverence of his natural and national posterity." 
Yet Mr. Grahame's mind was so deeply and unalterably 
impressed with the opinion, that Clarke had exceeded 
" the line of honor and integrity" in that negotiation, 
that he appears not to have been able to reconcile it to 
his sense of truth, as a historian, wholly to exonerate 
his conduct from censure. Accordingly, in the second 
edition of his History, now publishing in this country 
with his final revisions, Mr. Grahame thus alters the sen- 
tence which occasioned those animadversions: — "The 
envoy conducted his negotiation with a suppleness of 
adroit servility, that rendered the success of it dearly 
bought"; implying that Clarke, in suing for favors un- 
der such pretences as he urged to obtain them, had ex- 
hibited a " servile " spirit, " supple " in respect of policy, 
and " adroit" in the color he gave to the facts on which 
he based his hopes of success ; and intimating that he 
could find no other apology for his conduct, than " the 

* Vol. II., p. 64, edit. 1841. 



28 Memoir of James Grahame. 

aptitude even of good men to be transported beyond the 
line of honor and integrity, in conducting such negotia- 
tions as that which was confided to Clarke.*'" 



* It is proper and due to the subject of this Memoir here to inquire ir.to those 
general facts and circumstances which led Mr. Grahame (the tenor of whose mind 
towards the people of the United States was kind, candid, and laudator}-) to express 
so strongly and adhere so perseveringly to the opinion he had formed concerning 
Clarke's conduct in the negotiation above adverted to. 

At the time of Clarke's negotiation, Massachusetts and Rhode Island were both 
present by deputy at the court of Charles the Second, — both moved (dike by fear; 
Massachusetts of the king, being apprehensive it was his intention to vacate her 
old charter ; Rhode Island of Massachusetts, who had shown a disposition to ex- 
tend her jurisdiction over territory which Rhode Island claimed, as also to interfere 
with the local government and religious liberties of this colony. It was no motive 
of loyalty that induced the appearance of either of them at court; nor was there 
any thing in their previous history which could entitle the deputies of either colo- 
ny to vaunt, any sentiment of this sort on the part of their constituents. 

In this state of things, and notwithstanding "Rhode Island had solicited and ac- 
cepted a patent from the Long Parliament, in the commencement of its struggles with 
Charles the First, while Massachusetts declined to make a similar recognition, even 
when the Parliament was at the utmost height of lis power and success, (gra- 
hame, I., 323,) — Chalmers represents Clarke as " boasting of the loyalty " of the in- 
habitants of Rhode Island, and, in order to depreciate Massachusetts in the opinion 
of King Charles the Second, and exalt Rhode Island, as challenging the deputies of 
the former colony " to adduce one act of loyalty shown by their constituents to 
Charles the First or his successor." " The challenge thus confidently given," adds 
Chalmers, " was not accepted." The agents of Massachusetts would not condescend, 
for the sake even of saving their charter, to feign a sentiment which they were" sen- 
sible had no existence. Their silence, under such circumstances, it is impossible for 
any fair mind not to honor and approve. 

Furthermore, Chalmers states that the Rhode-Islanders "procured from the chiefs 
of the Narragaaasets a formal surrender of their country, which was afterwards called 
the King's Province, to Charles the First, in right of his crown," and that their 
" deputies boosted to Charles the Second of the merits of that transaction." Now, 
in point of fact, the name of King's Province was not given to the Narraganset 
country until 1600, three years after Clarke's negotiation ; — see Collections of Rhode 
Island Historical Society, Vol. IV., p. 69; — and in respect of the surrender of the 
Narraganset country, Gorton, who was the chief agent in receiving it, explicitly 
states, that it was self-moved on the part of the Indians ; that they sent to the colo- 
nists and voluntarily oifered it; and does not pretend that the Rhode-Islanders had 
any farther agency in the affair than encouraging the disposition of the Indians to 
make the surrender, aiding them in doini>- it in legal form, and promising to trans- 
mit their deed and desire of protection to the English government. — tee Gorton's 
Simplicities Defence, pp. 79-81. 

In view of Clarke's hollow pretences of loyalty on the part of his constituents, and 
the supposititious proofs of it adduced by him, it is not wonderful that a mind like 
that of Mr. Grahame should have become immovably fixed in the opinion, that the 
conduct of the Rhode Island deputy was not reconcilable with truth and integrity, 
and that it was unbecomincr a historian who meant to be just, and was conscious 
of being impartial, to refrainlrom expressing with fidelity the convictions forced up- 
upon him by a knowledge of the facts and circumstances. 

Clarke was unquestionably faithful to bjs agency. He acted according to the 
views and wishes of his constituents, and in vaunting their " loyalty " he probably 
followed their instructions ; and was therefore fully entitled to all the thanks they 
expressed, and all the honors they conferred upon him. A Christian moralist, like 
Grahame, who had drunk deep of " Siloa's brook, which flowed fast by the oracles 
of God," naturally can allow no compromise with truth, for the sake of effect or suc- 
cess, and must unavoidably apply to the conduct, of men, whether acting as private 
individuals or as public agents, one and the same pure and elevated moral standard ; 
a atrietness of moral principle, which, it must be confessed, in respect of public agents, 
the customs and opinions of the world do not regard as either practicable or politic. 



Memoir of James Grahame. 29 

From Mr. Grahame's position as a distant observer, his 
views of character and events may sometimes conflict with 
those entertained in this country ; yet his spirit is wholly 
American, and his prevailing desire and delight is to do 
justice to the actors in the scenes he describes. The high 
moral tone, and the ever active, all-controlling religious 
sentiment and feeling, which pervade his work, inspire the 
strongest confidence in all that he writes ; and it seems 
impossible for any one, in the exercise of a sound and un- 
prejudiced judgment, to believe that a mind impelled by 
motives so pure and elevated, having no personal ends to 
serve, no party purposes to answer, could, under any cir- 
cumstances, knowingly warp the truth, invent or suppress 
facts, or give to them any false or delusive coloring. Mr. 
Grahame had never visited the United States, and his op- 
portunities ior intercourse; wito iia citizens had uecu lew , 
but he spared neither time, labor, nor expense to acquaint 
himself with the authentic materials of its history ; he laid 
the public libraries of Scotland, England, France, and 
Germany under contribution to the completeness and ac- 
curacy of his work ; and if he has occasionally fallen into 
mistakes, they are either such as all historians, who rely 
for their facts on the authority of others, are subject to, or 
such as might naturally be expected under the peculiar cir- 
cumstances of the case, — being chiefly on points of local 
history, in their nature of little interest or importance be- 
yond the immediate sphere or the particular persons they 
affect ; and w r hen traced to their sources, it will often be 
found that even into these he was led by authorities whose 
errors have been detected only by recent research, in some 
instances subsequent to the publication of his volumes. 

In February, 1839, Mr. Grahame writes to Mr. Walsh: 
— " You propose (and deeply I feel the honor and kind- 
ness of the proposal) to have an American edition of my 
work published at Philadelphia. Now, pray, ponder wise- 
ly and kindly these suggestions. Much as I should other- 
wise like a republication of my work in xlmerica, I could 
not enjoy it, 

( With unreproved pleasure free,' 

if I thought it would be at all disagreeable to Mr. Ban- 
croft, or that it would be construed in America as a com- 



30 Memoir of James Grahame. 

petitory challenge of an English to an American writer. 
Let there be, if it be necessary or profitable, a rivalry (a 
generous one) between England and America. But 1 am 
far too much Americanized, to think, without chagrin and 
impatience, of my seeming the rival (the foreign rival) of a 
great American writer. Dear to me is the fame of every 
man whose fame is interwoven with the fame of America, 
and whose career tends to justify to myself and to the world 
the delightful feelings of admiration and hope with which 
she inspires me." And, in a subsequent letter on the 
same topic, he writes to the same correspondent : — 
" Most sincerely do I wish that an American may prove the 
great, the conclusive, and the lasting historian of America. 
I shall be content, if of my work some Englishmen and 
perhaps a few Americans say, * So thought an English- 
man who luveu his country, but arTected still more warmly 
the cause of truth, justice, and universal human welfare.' " 

In his correspondence with this gentleman, during this 
and the ensuing year, the American bias of his mind ap- 
pears on almost every occasion and every subject. Inter- 
mingled with this, we continually meet with manifesta- 
tions of that all-pervading religious sentiment, and of that 
tenderness of the domestic affections, which constituted 
the most striking and beautiful elements of his character. 
Thus, in congratulating Mr. Walsh on the restored health 
of his " wife" he remarks : — " They say that Americans, 
in general, say lady and female, when we say ivife and 
woman. Now, I reckon wife, woman, and mamma to 
be the three loveliest words in the English language." 
And, writing concerning his having completed the forty- 
ninth year of his age, he adds: — "The period of life, 
at which, I believe, Aristotle fixes the decline of human 
abilities. I would give all the abilities I have, and ten 
times more, if I had them, for a deep, abiding sense of 
piety and the love of God. May that, my dear, kind 
friend, be yours and mine ! And can we wish a happier 
portion to those whom we love? All else fades away." 

In the course of this year (1839), a highly laudatory 
review of the " History of North America " was read 
before the Royal Academy of Nantes, by M. Malherbe, in 
which its merits were analyzed and acknowledged ; and 



Memoir of James Grahame. 31 

Mr. Grahame was, in consequence, unanimously elected 
a member of the Academy. 

In August, of the same year, the degree of Doctor of 
Laws was conferred on Mr. Grahame by the Corporation 
and Overseers of Harvard University. " It. was the first 
public evidence of respect he had received from this side 
of the Atlantic ; and it drew from him unqualified expres- 
sions of satisfaction. In a letter to Rev. George E. Ellis, 
of Massachusetts, in November following, he writes : — 
" Harvard College has long been a spot round which my 
heart hovered. 

' Ille terrarum mihi praeter omnes 
Angulus ridet.' 

Now ? indeed, it is doubly dear to me ; for I feel myself, 
in a manner, one of its sons. The view of the College 
buildings in Peirce's History awakened and detained '.yry 
fondest regards. May truth, virtue, and happiness flourish 
within those walls, and beam forth from them to the 
divine glory and human welfare ! Though somewhat brok- 
en by years and infirmities, I yet cherish the hope to see 
Harvard University before I die.' 5 In a letter to Mr. 
Walsh, in October following, he thus refers to the same 
topic : — " I am now an American. Your dear country has 
adopted me. Never let me hear again of America or 
Americans owing any thing to me. 1 am the much in- 
debted party. I feel with the keenest sensibility the honor 
that Harvard University has conferred upon me. 5 ' 

The writer of a critical notice of Bancroft's History of 
the United States, in the North American Review, for Jan- 
uary, 1841, introduced some incidental remarks on that of 
Mr. Grahame. After bearing testimony to his capacity, 
though a foreigner, to appreciate the motives and institu- 
tions of the Puritans, and acknowledging the fidelity and 
candor, the extent and accuracy of his researches, the crit- 
ic adds : — " Mr. Grahame's work, with all its merit, is the 
work of a foreigner. And that word comprehends much that 
cannot be overcome by the best writer. He may produce a 
beautiful composition, faultless in style, accurate in the de- 
lineation of prominent events, full of sound logic and most 
w r ise conclusions. But he cannot enter into the sympathies, 
comprehend all the minute feelings, prejudices, and pecu- 



32 Memoir of James Grahame. 

liar ways of thinking, which form the idiosyncrasy of the 
nation." 

The author of this review was well understood to be 
William II. Prescott, Esq., and Mr. Grahame thus remarks 
upon it in his journal: — " Prescott's critical notice of Dan- 
croft's third volume, in the North American Review, con- 
tains some handsome commendation of my work ; — 
qualified by that favorite canon of American literary ju- 
risprudence, that no man not born and bred in America 
can perform, as such a function ought to be performed, the 
task of describing the people, or relating even their dis- 
tant history. Now, I am inclined to suspect that this theo- 
rem is unsound in principle and false in fact. 1 think a 
man may better describe objects, from not having been 
inveterately habituated and familiarized to them ; and at 
ence mere calmly cGntcrnpiate emu muic impartially esti- 
mate national character, of which he is not a full, neces- 
sitated, born partaker, — and national habits, prejudices, 
usages, and peculiarities, under the dominance of which 
his own spirit has not been moulded, from its earliest dawn 
of intelligent perception." 

In a letter to Mr. Prescott, dated March 3d, 1841, he 
recurs to this topic. " On the general censure of your 
countrymen, that, ' personally unacquainted with Amer- 
ica, I cannot correctly delineate even her distant his- 
tory, 5 — Queen Elizabeth desired that her portrait should 
be painted without shade ; because, by a truly royal road 
to the principles of that art, she had discovered that 
shade is an accident. Are not some of your countrymen 
possessed of a similar feeling;, and desirous that every his- 
toric portrait of America should represent it c as it ought 
to be,' and ' not as it is '? When I look into the works 
of some of your greatest American writers, and see how 
daintily they handle certain topics, — elusively playing or 
rather fencing with them, as if they were burning plough- 
shares, — I must respectfully doubt, if, as yet at least, an 
American is likely to be the best writer of American his- 
tory. That the greatest and most useful historian that has 
ever instructed mankind will yet arise in America, I fondly 
hope, desire, and believe. It would be my pride to be re- 
garded as the pioneer of such a writer, and to have, in any 



Memoir of James Grahame. 33 

wise, contributed to the utility of his work and the exten- 
sion of American fame. 1 trust it is with you, as it is 
with me, a sacred maxim, that to good historiography 
elevation and rectitude of soul are at least as requisite as 
literary resource and intellectual ran^e and vigor." 

In June of this year, he received, and in his journal 
thus comments on, Quincy's History of Harvard University : 
— " Read it with much interest. No other country, from 
the first syllable of recorded time, ever produced a seat of 
learning so honorable to its founders and early supporters 
as Harvard University. This work is the only recent 
American composition with which I am acquainted that 
justifies his countrymen's plea, that there is something in 
their history that none but an American born and bred 
can adequately conceive and render. His account of the 
transition of the social system of Massachusetts, from an 
entire and punctilious intertexture of church and state to 
the restriction of municipal government to civil affairs and 
occupations, is very curious and interesting, and admirably 
fills up an important void in New England history. He 
wounds my prejudices by attacking the Mathers, and other 
persons of a primitive cast of Puritanism, with a severity 
the more painful to me that 1 see not well how I can de- 
mur to its justice. But though I disapprove and dissent 
from many of their views, and regret many of their pro- 
ceedings, yet the depths of my heart are with the primi- 
tive Puritans and the Scottish Covenanters; and even 
their errors I deem of nobler kind than the frigid merits 
of some of the emendators of their policy." 

In the same strain he wrote to Mr. Quincy on the 4th 
of July following: — " I regard the primitive Puritans much 
as I do the Scottish Covenanters ; respectfully disapproving 
and completely dissenting from many of their views and 
opinions ; especially their favorite scheme of an intertex- 
ture of church and state, which appears to me not only 
unchristian, but antichristian. But I cordially embrace 
all, that is purely doctrinal in their system, and regard 
their persons with a fond, jealous love, which makes me in- 
dulgent even to their errors. Carrying their heavenly 
treasures in earthly vessels, they could not fail to err. 
But theirs were the errors of noble minds. How different 

VOL. IX. 5 



34 Memoir of James Grahame. 

from those of knaves, fools, and lukewarm professors ! I 
forget what poet it is that says, 

' Some i;iilmi_ r .s are of nobler kind 
Than virtues of a narrow mind.' " 

The complete restoration to health of his only daugh- 
ter, and her marriage to John Stewart, Esq., the brother- 
in-law of the friend of his youth and manhood, Sir John 
F. W. Herschel, shed bright rays of happiness over the 
last years of Mr. Grahame's life. These were passed at 
Nantes in his domestic circle, in the companionship of the 
exemplary and estimable lady who had united her for- 
tunes with his, and cheered by the reflected happiness and 
welfare of his children. His only son, who was pursuing 
successfully the career of a solicitor in Glasgow, occasion- 
ally visited him as his professional avocations would per- 
mit. Ilia daughter and son-in-law divided their time be- 
tween. Nantes and England. Always passionately fond of 
children, and having the power of rendering himself singu- 
larly attractive to them, by his gentle, quiet, playful man- 
ner, he was devotedly attached to his little granddaughter, 
who became his frequent companion. By direction ol his 
medical attendant, Dr. Foure, an eminent physician of 
Nantes, he abstained from all severe literary toil, and under 
the influence of these tranquil scenes of domestic happi- 
ness his health visibly improved ; nor was there the slight- 
est suspicion of the organic disease which was destined 
soon to terminate his life. During this period, however, 
whatever study the rule laid down by his medical friend 
permitted was directed to the improvement of his history 
of the United States, to which he made many additions 
and amendments, and which he declared, shortly before 
his death, he had finally completed to his own satisfac- 
tion, and thoroughly prepared for a second edition. 

Circumstances in which Mr. Grahame had been accident- 
ally placed had forcibly directed his mind to the subject 
of slavery, the enormity of the evil, and its effects on the 
morals and advancement of the people among whom it 
existed. He had acquired, in right of his wife-, an es- 
tate in the West Indies, which was cultivated by slaves. 
His feelings in respect of this slave-derived income are 
strongly expressed in a letter to Sir John F. \V. Herschel, 



Memoir of James Grahame. 35 

dated the 24th of February, 1827. " A subject has for 
some time been giving me uneasiness. My children are 

proprietors of a ninth share of a West India estate, and J. 
have a life-rent in it. Were my children of age, 1 could 
not make one of the negroes free, and could do nothing but 
appropriate or forego the share of produce the estate yield- 
ed. Often have 1 wished it were in my power to make 
the slaves free, and thought this barren wish a sufficient 
tribute to duty. My conscience was quite laid asleep. 
Like many others, I did not do what I could, because 
I could not do what I wished. For years past, some- 
thing more than a fifth part of my income has been de- 
rived from the labor of slaves. God forgive me for hav- 
ing so long tainted my store ! and God be thanked for 
that warning voice that has roused me from my leth- 
argy, and taught me to feel that my hand offended me ! 
Never more shall the price of blood enter my pocket, or 
help to sustain the lives or augment the enjoyment of those 
dear children. They sympathize with me cordially. Till 
w 7 e can legally divest ourselves of our share, every shilling 
of the produce of it is to be devoted to the use of some 
part of the. unhappy race from whose suffering it is de- 
rived." Subsequently, with the consent of his children, 
Mr. Grahame entirely gave up this slave-property, amount- 
ing to several thousand pounds. 

His interest in the fate of the African race had been 
excited several years before by a circumstance which he 
thus relates in his diary, under date of October, 1821. 
"My father is most vigorously engaged in protecting three 
poor, forlorn Africans from being carried, against their 
wills, back to the W r est Indies. They were part of the 
crew of a vessel driven by stress of weather into the port 
of Dumbarton. While the vessel was undergoing some 
repairs, the people of the town remarked with surprise 
the precautions by which unnecessary communication 
with the shore was prevented ; and their surprise was con- 
verted into strong suspicion, when they perceived some- 
times, in the evening, a few black heads on the deck, 
suffered to be there a short time, and then sent below. A 
number of the citizens applied to the magistrates, but the 
magistrates were afraid to interfere ; so the people had the 

1625409 



36 Memoir of James Grahame. 

sense and spirit to convey the intelligence by express to 
my lather, whose zeal for the African race was well 
known. He instantly caused the vessel to be arrested, 
and has cheerfully undertaken the enormous damages, as 
well as the costs of suit, to N which he will be subjected, if 
the case be decided against him." In a subsequent entry 
in his diary, Mr. Grahame writes, — " But it was decided 
in his favor." 

By the same daily record it appears, that, in 1823, his 
feelings were still further excited on the subject of slavery 
by an incident which he thus relates: — " Zachary M'Aulay 
showed me to-day some of the laws of Jamaica, and point- 
ed out how completely every provision for restraining the 
cruelty of the masters and alleviating the bondage of the 
slaves is defeated by counter provisions that render the 
remedy unattainable. — What a stain on the history of the 
church of England is it, that not one of her wealthy min- 
isters, not one of her bishops who sit as peers of the 
realm in the House of Lords, has ever attempted to miti- 
gate the evils of negro slavery, or ever called the public 
attention to that duty ! No, they leave the field of Chris- 
tian labor to Methodists and Moravians." 

Actuated by such feelings and sentiments, he published, 
in 1823, a pamphlet, entitled " Thoughts on the Projected 
Abolition of Slavery," — a production, which, in the latter 
years of his life, he declared that he looked back upon 
with unalloyed pleasure and satisfaction. In 1828, Mr. 
Grahame relates in his journal, that he had a long conver- 
sation on this subject with the celebrated Abbe Gregoire, 
to whom he had been introduced by La Fayette. In the 
course of this conversation, the Abbe stated to him that 
he " had written to Jefferson, combating the opinions ex- 
pressed in Jefferson's 'Notes on Virginia,' of the inferior- 
ity of the intellectual capacity of the negroes, and that 
Jefferson had answered, acknowledging his error." 

The prevalent language on the subject of negro slavery 
in some parts of the United States, and the apparently 
general acquiescence of the people in the continuance of 
that institution, led him, in the latter years of his life, to 
apprehend, that, in the first edition of his History, he had 
treated that subject with more indulgence than was con- 



Memoir of James Grahame. 37 

sistent with truth and duty. Under this impression, he 
remarks in his diary, in December, 1837: — "My ad- 
miration of America, my attachment to her people, and 

my interest in their virtue, their happiness, their dig- 
nity, and renown, have increased, instead of abating. 
But research and reflection have obliged me, in the edi- 
tion of my works which I have been preparing since the 
publication in 1335, to beat down some American pre- 
tensions to virtue and apologies for wrong, which I had 
formerly and too hastily admitted. Much as 1 value the 
friendship and regard of the Americans, I would rather 
serve than gratify them ; rather deserve their esteem than 
obtain their favor. 5 ' 

Early in the year 1842, a pamphlet, published in Lon- 
don, in 1835, entitled, " A Letter to Lord Brougham on 
the Subject or American Slavery, by an American," was 
put into Mr. Grahame's hands, as he states, " by another 
American, most honorably distinguished in the walks of 
science and philanthropy," who bid him "read there the 
defence of his (the American's) country." The positions 
maintained by this writer — that " slavery was introduced 
into the American colonies, now the United States, by the 
British government," and that " the opposition to it there 
was so general, that, with propriety, it may be said to have 
been universal " — roused Mr. Grahame's indignation ; 
which was excited to an extreme when he perceived these 
statements repeated and urged in a memorial addressed to 
Daniel O'Connell by certain Irish emigrants settled at 
Pottsville, in the United States. Having devoted some 
time to a careful perusal of this pamphlet, he felt himself 
called upon as a Briton, from a regard to the reputation 
of his country and to truth, and from a belief that " no 
living man knew more of the early history of the Amer- 
ican people than himself," to contradict, in the most di- 
rect and pointed manner, the statements referred to ; 
pledging himself, as he says. " to prove that the above- 
mentioned pamphlet is a production more disgraceful to 
American literature and character (in so far as it is to be 
esteemed the representative of either) than any other lit- 
erary performance with which I am acquainted." 

He accordingly applied himself forthwith to an extended 



38 Memoir of James Grahame. 

discussion of this subject in a pamphlet to which he affixed 
the title : — "Who is to blame? or Cursory Review of 
American Apology for American Accession to Negro Slave- 
ry." In this pamphlet Mr. Grahame admits that Great 
Britain "facilitated her colonial offspring to become slave- 
holders*" — " that she encouraged her merchants in tempt- 
ing them to acquire slaves," — that " her conduct dur- 
ing her long sanction of the slave-trade is indefensible," 
— that "she excelled all her competitors in slave-stealing, 
for the same reason that she excelled them in every other 
branch of what was then esteemed legitimate traffic " ; — 
but denies that she "forced the Americans to become slave- 
holders," — denies that "the slave-trade was compre- 
hended within the scope and operation of the commercial 
policy of the British government until the reign of Queen 
Anne, 77 ; — and asserts, that, "prior to that reign, negro 
slavery was established in every one of the American 
provinces that finally revolted from Great Britain, except 
Georgia, which was not planted until 1733." The argu- 
ment in this pamphlet is pressed with great strength and 
spirit, and the whole is written under the influence of feel- 
ings in a state of indignant excitement. Without palliat- 
ing the conduct of Great Britain, he regards the attempt to 
exculpate America, by criminating the mother country, as 
unworthy and unjust ; contending that neither was under 
any peculiar or irresistible temptation, but only such as is 
common to man, when, in the language of the Apostle, " he 
is drawn away by his own lusts and enticed.*' His ar- 
gument respecting the difference, in point of guilt, between 
America and Great Britain results as another identical 
question has long since resulted concerning the compara- 
tive guilt of the receiver and the thief. 

At the urgent request of his and his father's friend, Thom- 
as Clarkson, the early and successful asserter of the rights 
of Africans, he left Nantes, where he resided, in the month 
of June, 1842, and repaired to London, for the purpose of 
superintending the publication of his pamphlet on negro 
slavery. On arriving there, he placed his manuscript in 
the hands of a printer, and immediately proceeded to 
Playford Hall, Ipswich, the residence of Mr. Clarkson. 
Concerning this distinguished man, Mr. Grahame, under 



Memoir of James Grahame. 39 

date of the 25th of Jane, thus writes in his diary: — 
" Mr. Clarksoii's appearance is solemnly tender and beau- 
tiful. Exhausted with age and malady, he is yet warmly 
zealous, humane, and affectionate* Fifty-seven years of gen- 
erous toil have not relaxed his zeal in the African cause. 
He watches over the interests of the colored race in 
every quarter of the world, desiring and promoting their 
moral and physical welfare, rejoicing in their improve- 
ment, afflicted in all their afflictions. The glory of God 
and the interests of the African race are the master- 
springs of his spirit." 

After two days passed in intercourse with this congenial 
mind, Mr. Grahame returned to London, and occupied 
himself zealously in correcting the proof-sheets of his 
pamphlet. On the morning of the 30th of June, he was 
assailed by severe pain, which his medical attendant 
attributed at first to indigestion, and treated as such. 
But it soon assumed a more alarming character. Eminent 
physicians were called for consultation, and his brother, 
Thomas Grahame, was sent for. From the nature and 
intensity of his suffering, Mr. Grahame soon became sen- 
sible that his final hour was approaching, and addressed 
himself to meet it with calmness and resignation. He 
proceeded to communicate his last wishes to his son-in- 
law, directed -where he should be buried, and dictated his 
epitaph : — " James Grahame, Advocate, Edinburgh, Au- 
thor of the History of the United States of North America ; 
aged 51." He, at the same time, expressed the hope con- 
cerning- his recently published pamphlet, that no efforts 
might be spared to secure its sale and distribution, " as 
he had written it conscientiously and with single-hearted- 
ness, and had invoked the blessing of God upon it." 

Notwithstanding the distinguished skill of his physi- 
cians, every remedy failed of producing the desired effect. 
His disorder was organic, and beyond the power of their 
art* Such was the excruciating agony which preceded 
his death, that his friends could only hope that his release 
might not be long delayed. This wish was granted on 
Sunday morning, the 3d of July. 

" His endurance of the pain and oppression of breath- 
ing which preceded his death," says Mr. Stewart, " was 



40 Memoir of James Grahams. 

perfectly wonderful. His features were constantly calm, 
placid, and at last bore a bright, even a cheerful expression. 
His attendants, while bending close towards him, caught 
occasionally expressions of prayer; his profound acquaint- 
ance with the Scriptures enabling him, in this hour of his 
need, to draw strength and support from that inexhausti- 
ble source, where he was accustomed to seek and to find 
it." 

He was buried in Kensall Green Cemetery, in the 
neighbourhood of London. His son-in-law, John Stewart, 
and his brother, Thomas Grahame, attended his remains to 
the grave. His son, also, who had set out from Scotland 
on hearing: of his illness, though arriving too late to see 
him before he expired, was not denied the melancholy 
satisfaction of being present at his interment. A plain 
marble monument has been erected over his tomb, bearing 
the exact inscription he himself dictated. 

These scanty memorials are all that it has been possi- 
ble, in this country, to collect in relation to James Gra- 
hame. Though few and disconnected,, they are grateful 
and impressive. 

The habits of his life were domestic, and in the family 
circle the harmony and loveliness of his character were 
eminently conspicuous. His mind was grave, pure, ele- 
vated, far-reaching ; its enlarged views ever on the search 
after the true, the useful, and the good. His religious 
sentiments, though exalted and tinctured with enthusi- 
asm, were always candid, liberal, and tolerant. In politics 
a republican, his love of liberty was nevertheless quali- 
fied by a love of order, — ■ his desire to elevate the desti- 
nies of the many, by a respect for the rights and interests 
of the few. As in his religion there was nothing of bigot- 
ry, so in his political sentiments there was nothing of 
radicalism. 

As a historian, there were combined in Mr. Grahame 
all the qualities which inspire confidence and sustain it; — 
a mind powerful and cultivated, patient of labor, indefati- 
gable in research, independent, faithful, and fearless; en- 
gaging in its subject with absorbing interest, and in the de- 
velopment of it superior to all influences except those of 
truth and duty. 



Memoir of James Grahame, 41 

To Americans, in all future times, it cannot fail to be an 
interesting and gratifying circumstance, that the foreigner, 
who first undertook to write a complete history of their re- 
public from the earliest period of the colonial settlements, 
was a Briton, eminently qualified to appreciate the merits 
of its founders, and at once so able and so willing to do jus- 
tice to them. The people of the United States, on whose 
national character and success Air. Grahame bestowed his 
affections and hopes, owe to his memory a reciprocation of 
feeling and interest. As the chief labor of his life was 
devoted to illustrate the wisdom and virtues of their an- 
cestors and to do honor to the institutions they establish- 
ed, it is incumbent on the descendants to hold and per- 
petuate in grateful remembrance his talents, virtues, and 
services. 



VOL. IX, 



MEMOIRS OF THE PILGRIMS AT LEYDEN. 



BY GEORGE SUMNER, ESQUIRE, 

FOREIGN MEMBER OF THE GEOGRAPHIC AL SOCIETY OF BERLI W ; HOKORA RY MEMBER OF THE AKCHIO- 
LOGICAL SOCIETY* OF MADRID; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ARCH . GEOLOGICAL SOCIETIES OF 
ATHEX8 AND OF P0ICTIER3, ETC.. ETC. 



The position and privileges enjoyed by the founders of 
Plymouth Colony, during their ten years' residence in the 
Netherlands, would seem to be not very clearly defined. 
Every one, who has examined this part of the history of 
our Pilgrim forefathers, must, I think, have been struck 
by the discrepancies in regard to it, which occur in the 
different statements that we have before us. 

Robertson, Burke (in his European Settlements in 
America), and many other English writers of less name, 
represent their condition in any but favorable colors ; and 
the disparaging statements of these authors have, in some 
cases, been adopted by Americans at home. The princi- 
pal among these is the learned Chief-Justice Marshall, 
who speaks of the Pilgrims * as " an obscure sect which had 
acquired the appellation of Brownists," and which was 
forced to remove to Leyden. He then continues: — " There 
they resided several years in safe obscurity. This situation 
at length became irksome to them. Without persecution 
to give importance to the particular points which separated 
them from their other Christian brethren, they made no 
converts" ; and then, as a cause for their removal to Amer- 
ica, he asserts, that, " in the extinction of their church, they 

* Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. L, p. 93. 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 43 

dreaded, too, the loss of those high attainments in spirit- 
ual knowledge which they deemed so favorable to truth." 

The sneer contained in this passage was not necessary 
for the announcement of a historical fact, and ii is evi- 
dent that the Chief Justice has adopted the tone as well as 
the statement of Robertson. For this passage the author 
has given no authority, although Robertson, Hutchinson, 
and Chalmers are referred to as general authorities at the 
close of the chapter." 

Other writers, again, have represented in somewhat 
glowing colors the hospitality which was extended io the 
Pilgrims in Leyden, the unity which reigned among them 
while there, the attentions shown them bv the magis- 
trates, and the honors rendered to the remains of their 
pastor by the professors and learned men of the Univer- 
sity.! i 

The time has gone by, when the just fame which has 
been won by those men who planted a nation can be ei- 
ther lessened or magnified by the recital of honors that 
they may have received in by-gone years ; and one may 
search freely for the truth in regard to them, conscious, 
that, in developing that, small injury can be done to their 
memory. 

I know not whether I deceive myself, but I am disposed 
to believe that much of what has been written in regard 
to the position in Holland of the founders of Plymouth 
Colony is erroneous; and that, although they were far 

* See Life of Washington, Vol. I., p. 93 ; also Young's Pilgrims, p. 48, note. Chief- 
Justice Marshall altered these expressions in a subsequent work, but did not pass, how- 
ever, without experiencing severe reproaches from others, and particularly from the 
author of the American Annals, for the opinion he had uttered. " The historian," sats 
Holmes, "who tells us that the Puritans removed from Leyden into the American 
wilderness because they were obscure and unpersecuted, must not expect to be be- 
lieved." American Annals, Vol. I., Note XXI. ; see also Vol. I., p. 159. In Bozraan's 
Hiilury of Maryland, p. 376, is a reply to the author of the Annals, and a defence of 
the obnoxious expressions of Chief-Justice Marshall. 

t In a work published during the present year at Leipsic, Die Geschichte dtr Con- 
gre<jationalisten in Neu- En gland bis 1740, ton II. F. Uhde'n (History of the Congre- 
gatianalists inJS'etc England until 1740), the idea of the author, drawn from the Amer- 
ican authorities that he had consulted (among which is Cotton Mather), would appear 
to be, that the PUn-rims were enjoying, while in Holland, a good degree of worldly 
prosperity. The author of this book is a clergyman at Berlin, and was one of tiie 
deputation sent in 1841-2, by the kino* of Prussia, to inspect the state of the Engl sh 
church. The book itself was written at the suggestion of I>r. Xeander. and. al- 
though in a foreign language, will prove, I believe, a valuable addition to our his- 
torical literature. The author has drawn largely from Backus, a writer whose can- 
dor and moderation seem not to be appreciated in America as they merit. 



44 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 

from exciting, on the part of the Dutch people and mag- 
istrates, those feelings of contempt and ill-will towards 
themselves, the existence of which has been so often 
charged by their enemies, yet they were equally far from 
experiencing any excess of kind attention and magisterial 
favor. 

This opinion is the result of some special observations 
that I have been enabled to make in Holland, and it is 
the same which, as it strikes me, must be formed by all 
who examine the writings preserved to us of those who 
were constantly with the little band, from the time of 
their quitting England, in 1608, until their arrival in 
America. The authority of these writings (which have 
been recently brought before the public in a most excellent 
form by Mr. Youn^, accompanied by his valuable notes) 
is superior to that of any of the different historians who 
wrote at a later day. While the small, struggling colony 
was exposed to obloquy in England, and was fighting its 
way painfully along, against opposition, religious, political, 
and commercial, it was hardly to be expected that a his- 
torian devoted to its interest would neglect to avail him- 
self of any thing which might appear, at that time, to re- 
flect credit upon it. It was not the historian, but the ad- 
vocate, who wrote. Remembering this, one may perhaps 
see a reason why " the careful Morton " has at times 
slightly colored some passages from Governor Bradford's 
Journal, and why Cotton Mather has drawn in manv cases 
from authorities which Morton must have known, but 
which he does not appear to have regarded, and has, in 
other cases, made statements for which it would seem to 
require more than an ordinary degree of research to find 
any authority whatever. 

I propose to examine some points in relation to the posi- 
tion of the Pilgrims while in Holland, and particularly the 
attentions that may have been extended to them by the 
Dutch people and magistrates. 

But first let us see what was their position as shown 
by the best authority we possess, the writings of Governor 
Bradford. 

Having seen six of their fellow-men — " men of piety and 
learning " — executed in England for their religious belief, 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den, 45 

their own friends put into prison, and themselves watched 
night and day that charges might be brought against 
them, they at length resolved, when all hopes of toleration 
at home had lied, to remove to the Low Countries, 
"where they heard was freedom of religion for all men."* 

After making one unsuccessful attempt to leave Eng- 
land, suffering arrest and imprisonment from the Lincoln- 
shire magistrates, encountering in a second attempt the 
perils of a violent storm, and being in imminent danger of 
shipwreck in the German Ocean, one part of these Pil- 
grims, among which Bradford is supposed to have been, 
arrived in the spring of 1608 at Amsterdam. Here they 
found countrymen who, like themselves, had suffered per- 
secution for religion's sake; but, remaining only a few 
months, they removed, at the end of 1608 or beginning of 
1609, to Leyden.f 

" Being now here pitched," says Bradford, "they fell 
to such trades and employments as they best could, valu- 
ing peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches 
whatsoever ; and at length they came to raise a competent 
and comfortable living, and with hard and continual labor." 
When, however, in another place, he is naming the motives 
of the removal to America, a somewhat different tone is 
used. "And first, they found and saw by experience the 
hardness of the place and country to be such as few in com- 
parison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it 
out and continue with them. For many that came to 
them, and many more that desired to be with them, could 
not endure the great labor and hard fare, with other incon- 
veniences, which they underwent and were contented 
with Many, though they desired to enjoy the ordi- 
nances of God in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel 
with them, yet, alas, they admitted of bondage, with dan- 



* See Bradford's Journal, Young, p. 23. 

t Bradford says of Leyden. that, " wanting that traffic by sea which Amsterdam 
enjoyed, it was" not so benefic'r' for their outward means of living and estates." 
Young's Pilgrims, p. 35. This may be so; vet Levden was at that tune the princi- 
pal manufacturing town of the Ni tb'erlands, and oneof the most important in Europe. 
As many of the early colonists were weavers (see Young, note, p. '35), is it not rea- 
sonable to suppose that their removal to Leyden was caused by the fact that they 
would there more readily meet with employment than at Amsterdam ? The cloth 
manufacture of Amsterdam, during the first half of the seventeenth century, was 
very trifling, when compared with that of Leyden. 



46 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 

ger of conscience, rather than to endure these hardships ; 
yea, some preferred and chose prisons in England, rather 
than this liberty in Holland, with these afflictions. But 
it was thought, that, if a better and easier place of living 
could be had, it would draw many and take away these 
discouragements ; yea, their pastor would often say that 
many of those that both writ and preached now against 
them, if they were in a place where they might have liberty 
and live comfortably, they would then practise as they did." * 

Again, "They saw, that, although the people generally 
bore all their difficulties very cheerfully and with a reso- 
lute courage, being in the best of their strength, yet old 
a^e be^an to come on some of them, and their s:reat and 
continual labors, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it 
before the time." Again, their children ;; were oftentimes 
so oppressed with their heavy labors, that, although their 
minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed un- 
der the weight of the same and became decrepit in their 
early youth. 75 f And again, " They lived here but as 
men in exile and in a poor condition." j 

This certainly does not show that they were living in 
a state of holiday comfort ; neither is there here, nor 
throughout the writings of Governor Bradford, any evi- 
dence of kind attentions on the part of the Dutch people 
and magistrates. § On the contrary, we have, in different 
passages of his journal, strong evidence that no such fa- 
vors were extended to them. 

When he replies to the charge made by Baylie in his 
tract, || that the Pilgrims were driven out from Holland, 
and that the Dutch were weary of them, Bradford would 
naturally cite the strongest facts that could be found to 
prove the contrary ; but the most he says is, that the 
Dutch, finding them painful and diligent in their callings, 



* Young, p. 45. t Ibid. p. 46. t Ibid. p. 51. 

§ It is curious to see how some passages from Bradford's journal have been colored 
by those who have made use of it. Bradford says of the Pilgrims (Young, p. So), 
" Enjoying [in Holland] much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort to- 
gether, in the ways of God," &.c, ice. .Morton omits the word ,l together," and adds 
in its place, " being courteously entertained and lovingly respected by the Dutch, 
amongst whom they were strangers." p. Id, Davis's edition. Prince, also, in giving 
this same passage from Bradford, says, they '' live in great love and harmony both 
among themselves and their neighbour citizens for above eleven years." 

jl Dissuasive from the Errors of the Times, by Robert Bayiie, of Glasgow, 1645. 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 47 

and careful in keeping their word, gave them employ- 
ment in preference to others less diligent and honest ; 
and secondly, that the magistrates once reproved the Wal- 
loons by telling them that they were less peaceful than 
the English. " These English," said they, " have lived 
amongst us now this twelve years, and yet we never had 
any suit or accusation come against any of them. But 
your strifes and quarrels are continual."* Another thing 
Bradford states, that Robinson, their pastor, disputed with 
Episeopius at the University, in such a way as to gain 
him " much honor and respect from those learned men arid 
others which loved the truth" f 

Had there been any proofs of courteous entertainment 
and kind respect, — had there been auy magisterial atten- 
tions extended, any church granted, any respect shown at 
the grave Oi their pastor, X here would have oeen tue 
place to mention it. But on all these Bradford is silent, 
and we have the strongest proof that no magisterial at- 
tentions were shown, in his statement, that " it was said 
by some of no mean note [in Leyden], that, were it not for 
giving offence to the state of England, they would have 
preferred him [Robinson] otherwise, if he would, and al- 
lowed them some public favor" § 

Fear of offending England would, no doubt, operate 
strongly in Holland to prevent any favors being extended 
to those who made part of a sect persecuted by the Eng- 
lish king at home, openly denounced by him in his 
speeches, and exposed, even in a foreign land, to the an- 
noying surveillance of his ministers and agents. || In the 
Jlnnales du Pays Bas of Grotius, one sees continual evi- 

* Young, p. 39. 

t That is, perhaps, among those who opposed Episeopius. But his opponents 
were, for a long time, a minority at Leyden, the towns-people and magistrates being 
in his favor. In 1617, there was an outbreak and violent quarrel between the two 
parties, which lasted several days. An old engraving in Les Dtlices de Leidc repre- 
sents tlie Stadt House and the barricades near it, that were thrown up at that time to 
form a sort of citadel within the town. 

t Although Bradford was not present at the time of Robinson's death, yet, as he 
commenced his journal in 1630, five. years after that event, he might have availed 
himself of a circumstance which, had it transpired, must have come to his knowl- 
edge. 

§ Young, p, 40. 

ij See Young's Pilgrims, p. 467, note, for confirmation of this. A letter from Sir 
Dudley Caxleton, English ambassador at the Hague, published with his letters, an- 
nounces tiiat he had not succeeded in arresting Brewster (Elder Brewster), a* "the 
achout tcho was employed by the magistrates for his apprehension, being a dull, drunk- 



48 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

dence of the feelings excited in Holland by the actions of 
the English, and one may infer from that how little dis- 
posed the people of that country would Be to provoke the 
enmity of a nation the calculating friendship of which had 
been so. distasteful to them.* 

As to the attentions of the people and magistrates, the 
principal which have been alleged are, 1st. That a church 
was granted the Pilgrims to worship in ; and, 2d. That 
the funeral of their pastor was honorably attended by the 
University and principal men of the city. 

1 believe that neither of these attentions was shown, 
and also that the original error in regard to them may be 
traced to the Brief Narration of Winslow, republished 
in Young's Pilgrims, and to the note on page 160 of 
Prince's New England Annals. 

The statement, that a church was grained, rests soieiy 
upon the authority of Prince, who says, " When 1 was at 
Leyden,in 1714, the most ancient people from their parents 
told me, that the city had such a value for them [the 
Pilgrims], as to let them have one of their churches, 
in the chancel whereof he [Robinson] lies buried, which 
the English still enjoy ; and that, as he was had in high 
esteem both by the city and University, for his learn- 
ing, piety, moderation, and excellent accomplishments, 
the magistrates, ministers, scholars, and most of the gen- 
try mourned his death as a public loss, and followed him 
to the grave." f 

No one prior to Prince has mentioned this ; there is no 
intimation of it in Bradford's journal, in Morton, Hub- 
bard, or even in Cotton Mather ; and Prince, who has 



en fellow, took one man for another." The charge upon which Brewster was to be 
arrested in a foreign country by English agents would appear to be the printing of 
books obnoxious to the English king. It tells little for the independence of the 
Dutch magistrates, that such arrests could be tolerated and aided by them. Let us 
hope, for their honor, that the employment of a scout so besotted as to mistake his 
prey was an intentional act on their part. 

The unjust influence in Holland of the English government was shown at a later 
day by the persecution to which Locke was subjected, during the time of his resi- 
dence in that country. The English minister at the Hague demanded, it will be 
remembered, that he should be given up, and Locke could only avoid arrest by a strict 
concealment for twelve months. See Lord King's IJfe of Locke. 

* The people of Leyden, in particular, had shown strong opposition to the proceed- 
ings of Leicester. See the Annales. There is au allusion, abo, in Lingard to this 
feeling at Leyden. 

t Annals, p. 160, edit. 173G. 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 49 

generally enjoyed the highest reputation for accuracy,* 
adopted, I believe, with too little inquiry, the statement 
of the most ancient people of Leyden. From the words 
in relation to the church, — i; which the English still en- 
joy,-'-— it is clear to me that his informants were not 
thinking of the Separatist congregation which had been 
one hundred years before in Leyden, but of the English 
Presbyterian church, which, by a somewhat remarkable 
coincidence, was founded in Leyden in 1609, the same 
year, or within a few months of the time, that the Pil- 
grims arrived there. It is certain that this church, whose 
pastor from 1609 to 1616 was Robert Dune, was the 
only English congregation which, in 1714, had a public 
place of worship at Leyden, and it is the only one that is 
noticed by the different historians of Leyden as having 
ever possessed a church. As it is possible that the pres- 
ence of this congregation may create some confusion in 
future inquiries as to the church of the Pilgrims, I have 
thought it well to add in a note some account of their 
coming to Leyden, of their different pastors, and of the 
various places of worship which they enjoyed. f At the 
time of Prince's visit to Leyden, in 1714, this congrega- 
tion, under the pastoral care of Robert Milling, was wor- 
shipping in a chapel formed of part of the ground-iloor 
of the Fahjde Bagyn Hof Kerk. This chapel — now 
(1842) the dissecting-room of the College of Medicine — 
continued in the hands of the English until 1807, when, 
their last pastor dying, the congregation was dispersed; 
and it is this chapel which, from being shown to American 
travellers as the old church of the English, has, I believe, 
been sometimes supposed by them to have been the 
church of the Pilgrims. J 

Another error in this passage from Prince relates to 



* "The careful Thomas Prince," says Bancroft, Vol. I., p. 324, "who merits the 
gratitude of the inquirer for his judgment and research as an annalist."' Davis also 
alludes to him, in a note to Morton"s Sew England's Memorial , as " the accurate com- 
piler.'' 

t See Note A., at. the end of this article. 

t See Young's Pilgrims, p. 393j note, where is an extract from a letter of Mr??. 
Adams., wile of President John Adams, dated Sept. 12th, 1786. " I would not omit 
to mention that I visited the church at Leyden, in which our forefathers worshipped 
when they i!ed from hierarchical tyranny and persecution. I felt a respect and ven- 
eration, upon entering the doors, like what the ancients paid to their Druids." 
VOL. IX. 7 



50 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

the burial-place of Robinson. " In the chance! whereof he 
lies buried." Now Robinson was not buried in the chan- 
ce! of the church in which lie had preached (if he had 
pvenched in any), but under the pavement of the aisle of 
the Peter's Church, the former cathedral ; and this I shall 
show farther on by two separate records of his inter- 
ment.* 

Had Robinson's congregation enjoyed any church, it 
must have been by an act of the magistrates ; for, after the 
Reformation in Holland, the control of al! church buildings 
and ecclesiastical funds was transferred to the civil au- 
thorities. These funds are in part preserved to the pres- 
ent day, and the payment of all clergymen, of different 
denominations, is still, in the Netherlands, one of the reg- 
ular expenses of the state. f With some difficulty, I ob- 
tajncu pcrmissiGri to nave the JJcLgbock, ui ihe magistrates 
of Leyden examined, for 1608, 1609, and 1620 ; and al- 
though the grant made to the English congregation, of 
which I have just spoken, of a chapel attached to Saint 
Catherine's Almshouse, is there recorded, yet no notice 
was to be found of any church being granted to, or of 
any magisterial act being performed in favor of, any oth- 
er English congregation. { 



* To one at a distance, on looking at these passages from Prince in connection with 
the fact of Robinson's burial at the Peter's Church, the idea might suggest itself that 
it was that — the Cathedral Church — which had been granted to his congregation. 
But, besides that the records of the Peter's Church show nothing of the kind, a mo- 
ment's reflection will make clear its improbability. To the other English congregation, 
which they were not prevented through fear of England from favoring, the magis- 
trates only granted the use of a small chapel, the Catherine's, which served, at the 
same time, for the French Protestants. (See Note A.) To a sect with which they 
had no communion, and which they feared to favor, they would not be likely to aive 
up their own t; high-church." 

t The different churches in the Netherlands are now under the control of two de- 
partments, one of which is devoted to the Protestant, the other to the Catholic 
church. At the head of each department is a Director-General, whose rank and pav 
are but little lower than those of a cabinet minister. The expenses of religion are 
paid entirely by the state, unless a congregation see fit to give their pastor more than 
the regular salary assigned to him. The budget for 1843 of the Director-General of 
the Reformed Church is of 1,432,142 florins, of forty cents American each. Of this 
sum, 1,056,807 florins is for the Reformed (Calvinist) churches; 34,940 florins for 
the Lutheran ; 9,000, for the Anabaptists ; '21,000 florins for the Remonstrants ; and 
22,350 florins for Jewish Rabbis, and repairs of the synagogues. Of the remainder, 
31,800 florins are taken up by the expenses of the department, including 8,000 flor- 
ins, the salary of tiie Director-General, and the rest is clevoled to the education of 
small children of the different s^cls. 

The budget of the Catholic direction is of 520,000 florins. Since the separation of 
Belgium, this department has lost much of its former importance. 

X .Neat, in his History of the Puritans, says (Vol. I., p. 577), under date 1505 : — 
" The violent proceedings of the bishops drove great numbers of the Brownists into 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 51 

Again, there are two very voluminous histories of Ley- 
den ; one, the Besckrijving dcr Stadt Leyden, door (Dr- 
iers, 4to., Leyden, 1611 ; the other, Besckrijving der Stad 

Lei/den, door Van Mieris, 3 vol., fob, Leyden, 1762; in 
both of which the history of each church is given sepa- 
rately, as is also that of the small chapels attached lo the 
different almshouses. These notices are written with 
great apparent accuracy, and certainly with great minute- 
ness, — many pages being often devoted to the smallest 
Gasthuys Kapettetje, every change in its different occu- 
pants mentioned, the acts of the magistrates in relation 
to it recorded, and in some cases the putting of new 
planks to the floor, or fresh whitewash upon the walls, 
most faithfully chronicled. Yet, with all this minuteness, 
I can find in neither of these books any allusion whatever 
to the presence in Leyden of any other English commu- 
nity than that of which I have before spoken. 

I think that the absence of all record at Leyden, and 
the absence of all notice in the early writings of the Pil- 
grims, give strong grounds for believing that no church 
was granted to them, and I may cite again that passage 
of Bradford's journal in which he states, that, but for 
fear of offending England, they would have received some 
public favor. The public favor to be shown would cer- 
tainly be the granting them a public place of worship. 

1 am myself convinced that no regular church was 
granted them, and I am disposed to believe that their re- 
ligious assemblies were held in some hired hall, or in the 

Holland, where their leaders, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Smith, Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Robin- 
son, Mr. Jacob, and others, were gone beforehand, and, icith the- leave of the States, were 
erecting churches," &c. For this statement he gives no authority, and his accuracy 
in facts would seem to be no greater than in dates. In his second volume, p. 47, he al- 
ludes to the treaty with Queen Elizabeth, under which Presbyterianchuiches were erect- 
ed in the Netherlands. In Note A , 1 shall give the fourteenth clause of the treaty of 1565, 
the only early treaty between England and the Netherlands, containing a stipulation 
upon matters of religion ; but I am unable to find in the records of the States Gen- 
era!, which 1 examined at the Hague, any thingr to justify the first statement of Neal. 
There is, indeed, a short notice, on the 5th October, 1596, stating that the proposi- 
tions. of. several English, in different cities, on matters of religion, were advertised, in 
order that the cities might know of them in time ; but I can find nothing further in 
the records relating to Eng-lish religious affairs, up to 1620, the point at which my 
examination stopped. What the propositions were does not appear. The following 
is a copy of the record : — 

" lo'Jti, Octob. 5. — Is openinge en advertentie gedaan van het geene by eenige van 
de Engelsche Natie in verscheide steeden op het stuk van de Religie word 
voorgestelt, ten emde de Steeden willen in tyds daar op letten dat egeene in- 
con venienten daar uit en kocmen te onstaan.'' 



52 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

house of Robinson, their pastor. That it was not uncom- 
mon, at that time, for different sects in the Netherlands to 
hold religious meetings in private houses, we have the au- 
thority of Cardinal Bentivoglio, who, in his Relazione di 
Fiandra, tells us, that "the public exercises of religion 
are not permitted in the cities to any sect but the Calvin- 
ists, neither is it allowed that any other doctrines than 
theirs shall be taught publicly in the schools. The ex- 
ercises of all others are permitted in private houses, which 
are in fact as if public, the places of preaching being 
spacious and of sufficient size for any assembly." * 
'No allusion to their place of worship can, I believe, be 
found in any of the original writings of the Pilgrims, 



* " Non vien permesso pero 1' esercitio publico nelle citta se non a' Caivinisti, come 
ho aceennato d: sdp-ra; ne si consente, chu 3' insegni aitra dottrina pubiicarnente uriie 
scuole, che quella della lor setta. A tutte I' altre e permesso 1' esercitio nelle case pri- 
vate ; che si possono dir pero come publiche, predicandosi in luoghi spatiosi, e capaci 
d' qgni concorso." Bentivoglio, Relatione di Fiandra, Parte II., Cap. 11. 

Both Bancroft, in his History, and Young, in his notes, have referred to Benti- 
voglio, as authority for statements made in their respective writings. The former 
says, Vol. I., p 30:2, — u His [Robinson's] congregation inspired the nuncio of Rome 
with respect'' ; and Youn^r, in a note on p. 43, says, — " The English Separatists in 
Holland attracted the notice of Cardinal Bentivoivlio.'' I should feel great delicacy 
in differing from either of these accomplished writers, hut I must confess my inabil- 
ity to find in Bentivoglio's writings any allusion either to il Robinsons cono-rega- 
tion,'' or to '* the English Separatists," in Holland. There is, however, in immedi- 
ate connection with the passage I have cited above, an allusion to certain Puritani 
a" [nghilterra ; but does not that apply to the different English and Scottish Presby- 
terian congregations which were at that time collected in most of the large towns 
of the Netherlands ? (See Note A.) These congregations, of which Ames, Parker, 
and others were the preachers, were known as Puritans ; while Robinson's church 
at Leyden. and Johnson's at Amsterdam, were known only as Brownists or Separat- 
ists. In Governor Bradford's Dialogue (see Young, p. 436). he speaks of " those re- 
proached by the name of Puritans " as persons quite distinct from ' ; those that are re- 
proached by the name of Brownists and Separatists." 

Again, Bentivoglio makes no allusion to the English Puritans being at Leyden, 
but says, after naming the towns in which the principal heretical seels are distrib- 
uted : — Cl 1 Puritani Inglesi sono in Amsterdam quasi tutti per P istesso rispetto 
[occasione del traffico] ; e se ne trattengono alcuni medesimarnente per occasione di 
rnercantia nella citta. di Midelburgo in Zelanda." I am not aware that any Sepa- 
ratist congregation existed at Middleburg, except for a few years prior to 1589, — 
during the time, in fact, that Brown was taking refuge in that city ; there was, how- 
ever, in that place, an, English Presbyterian church, connected with the English 
factory, for this was a place of much resort for English traders. In Bradford's 
Dialogue (see Young, p. 4*24), he tells us that Johnson, who afterwards became the 
teacher of the Separatists at Amsterdam, was preacher, at one time, " to the com- 
pany of English of the Staple of Middleburg," — and the Presbyterian church formed 
of that company is the one, I should suppose, to which Bentivoglio alludes. 

I do not find, in other parts of Bentivoglio's writings, any passage which shows 
that he was acquainted with the existence of a sect of Separatists distinct from the 
Puritans cr Presbyterians. In his essay Dcllo Stato della Religione in Scotia, he 
speaks of the Catholics and Puritans as being the two sects of the country ; nnd in 
his other essay, Delia Religione in fnghillerra, he alludes to three sects, — first the 
Catholics, then the Protestant Calvinists, — and continues, — " Sono in gran numero 
ancora in Inghilterra i puri Caivinisti che si chiainano Puritani." 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 53 

nor ia those of any other person prior to Prince. Neal, 
who wrote about the same time, says that u they 
hired a meetinghouse, 53 * although for this he gives no 
authority. A passage in Winslow's Narration speaks 
of the house of Robinson as being large, and that it 
was the place of the feast- which was prepared for the 
Pilgrims at their departure, by those who remained at 
Leyden.f If large enough for this purpose, it certainly 
would be large enough for their usual meetings, and, con- 
sidering the straitened circumstances in which they were, 
it is hardly probable that more than one large building 
would be hired by them. 

When I found from the Record of Interments, pre- 
served at the Stadt House in Leyden, the spot of Robin- 
son's dwelling at the time of his decease, I had hoped to 

SClliC liij ^ l-yv-rili*. ouiiOiu(.,iOj ll> ivj Lii ] \_/ * » xi miliu , V.J U I HIS 

house was probably taken down a few years after his 
death, as a row of small buildings now occupies its site, 
which were put there about the year 1650. 

2. As to the attentions shown at the grave of Robin- 
son. In addition to the concluding part of the note from 
Prince, which I have before cited, there is the following 
passage in Winslow's Brief Narration. "When God took 
him away from them and us by death, the University and 
ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave with 
all their accustomed solemnities, bewailing the great loss 
that not only that particular church had whereof he was 
pastor, but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed that 
all the churches of Christ sustained a loss by the death of 
that worthy instrument of the gospel." J 

Cotton Mather^ has followed this, using W 7 ins!ow ? s 
words almost verbatim. Hubbard mentions his death, 
without any comment upon the conduct of the Dutch. || 
Neal, in his History of New England, says nearly the same 
as W 7 inslow, whom he mentions in his preface as one of 
the principal authorities on which he relied. ;i They 
lamented his death as a public loss; and, though he 

* History ofJVew England, p. 91. 

t "They, I say, that stayed at Leyden, feasted us that were to go, at our pastor's 
house, being large; where we refreshed ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, 
making joyful melodv in our hearts as well as with the voice" See Young, p. 3fl4. 

{ See Young, p. 392. § Magnalia, p. 46, Book I., Vol. I. || Hubbard, p. 90. 



54 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 

never had been of their communion, they did him the 
honor to attend his body to the grave.' 7 * 

I believe that all these statements in relation to atten- 
tions at the grave are incorrect. Prince, in his account 
of them, uses language somewhat similar to that of Wins- 
low, although lie does not refer to him as an authority, 
but states that he derived his information from the " most 
ancient people" of Leyden. In the matter of a grant of 
a church, which he took from the same authority, I have 
perhaps shown that there is some cause to doubt the 
memory of these most ancient people; and their accuracy, 
perhaps, was no greater in relation to the circumstances 
of the funeral. The original authority for this statement 
would appear to be Winslow, who was not, however, in 
Holland at the time of Robinson's death (1625), but, in 
Plymouth, and who could of course speak only from hear- 
say. For a point of greater importance than this, it might 
be w 7 ell to inquire how far a book written under the cir- 
cumstances of the Brief Narration, — an advocate defend- 
ing his client, — may be safely relied upon as historical 
authority. f The statement of Winslow has been followed 
ever since ; but, had a circumstance so flattering to the 
memory of their former pastor and to the remaining part 
of his congregation occurred, would it not have been men- 
tioned by all the earlier writers, and particularly by Mor- 
ton, whose history, compiled in great part from Bradford's 
journal, was published several years after this statement 
had been made ? He, however, has no allusion to it. 
Would it not also have been mentioned by the persons of 
Robinson's congregation who attended him to the °rave, 
and w T ho, in. their letters to their former companions at 
Plymouth, give minute particulars of his death? Copies 
of these letters are preserved in Bradford's letter-book, 
which has been printed in the Collections of the Massachu- 
setts Historical Society; but upon any honors or friendly 
attentions shown to them at that time they are silent.J 

* Neal's New England, p. 123. t See Note B. 

t The letter of Rogpr White, dated Leyden. April 28th, 1G25, says: — " It hath 
pleased the Lord to take oiil of this vale of tears your and our loving and faithful 
pastor and my dear hrother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some eight days, be- 
ginning first to be sick on a Saturday morning ; yet the next day, being the Lords 
day, he taught us twice ; and the week after grew every day weaker than other, 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den, 55 

But another evidence against the correctness of the 
statement of Winslow and Prince is the fact, that the 
plague was raging in Leyden at the time of Robinson's 
death, and that, during the prevalence of that disorder, all 
public funerals were suspended. This I find to have 
been customary in Leyden, even if the deceased had 
not been ill of the prevailing malady. Roger White, in 
his letter, alludes to the prevalence of the plague ; and in 
the book of records of interments in Leyden, I found a 
corroboration of this in the large number of deaths that 
daily occurred. In one church alone, twenty-five persons 
were buried in a single day, and this only three days be- 
fore Robinson's death. In the lists of other churches, 
whole families would appear to have been buried at the 
same time ; the names of husband, wife, and three or more 
children anr.ear'uio- jn «5pvptr1 pp«;o<= nnon tU<± register. 

The attentions of the professors and learned men 
would not, I believe, be lessened by the poverty of him 
whom they thought worthy ; and, although it proves noth- 
ing in this immediate connection, yet it may not be unin- 
teresting to know the manner of Robinson's interment. 

It was not without some difficulty that I found at Ley- 
den the place of Robinson's grave, being misled at first 
by the statement of Prince, that he was buried in a church 
w T hich had been "ranted to his congregation. Having 
sought at the Stadt House and at other places for some 
record, without success, 1 at last, in a small closet attached 
to the Cathedral Church of St. Peter, full of old dust- 
covered volumes, fell upon one which contained a record 
of the receipts of the different churches in Leyden, from 
1619 to 1629. Most of these receipts were tor burial- 
fees ; and, on looking over the lists of each church for the 
year 1625, the year of Robinson's death, I found the re- 
ceipt for his interment at the Peter's Kerk, the church in 
which I then was. The title of this manuscript volume 



yet felt no pain but weakness all the time of his sickness. The physic he took 
wrought kindly, in man's judgment; vet he grew every day weaker than other, 
feeling little or no pain, yet sensible till the very last. Who fell sick the 22d of 
February, and departed this life the 1st of March. He had a continual inward a<jue, 

which brought the but, 1 thank the Lord, teas free of the plague, so that all his 

friends could come freely to hirn." See Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, 17D4, Vol. III., p. 39; also, Young's- Pilgrims, p. 478. 



56 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den, 

is Blaffaarden van de Hoofd-Kerken, Ad. 1619 tot 1629 ; 
and the receipt for Robinson's burial, an attested lac-simile 
of which I send with this,* is in the following words : 

1625. > Openen en huer van Jan Robens 
10 Mart. ) engels predekant 9 florins. 

Open and hire for John Robens 

English preacher —9 ilorins. 

This sum of nine florins f is the lowest paid for any person 
whose burial is recorded. Mr. De Pecker, who, under the 
-Director-General at the Hague, is the administrator of the 
affairs of the churches in Leyden, and who is well ac- 
quainted with the mode of interment at different periods, 
informed me that this sum was paid only for the hire, for 
a few years, of a place, immediately under the pavement 
in one of a larpe number of smirivt* pits confaimnir cn^p^ 
sufficient for four coffins. At the end of seven years, these 
bodies iv ere all removed. For tombs which were walled up 
the prices paid were much higher. The profession of 
each person buried is named in the register ; and those 

' against whose names the receipt of nine florins is put 
were, I found, invariably persons in the humblest walks 
of life, journeymen-weavers, &x. ; while others, who are 

1 noted as mechanics or artisans, were buried in places of 
fifteen and eighteen florins. While looking over this rec- 
ord, Mr. Van Pecker remembered, that, previously to 1812, 
there had been in the hands of the secretary of the Kerk- 
meesters a Gravenhoech, or general record of burials in 
Leyden. During that year, this book was deposited 
among the archives at the Stadt Mouse, where it now is. 
The record of Robinson's interment, as it appears in that, 
1 shall give in a note, J merely mentioning here, that, while 
the day of his death is stated in Roger White's letter to 
be the 1st of March, the day of his funeral appears by the 
J^ravenboeck to have been the 4th of March, and the day 
on which the interment fees were paid appears, by the 
church receipt-book, to have been the 10th of March. 
But to return. I have perhaps shown to your satisfaction, 

.. * See Note C. 

t The proportion of the florin to the fine mark of Cologne was the same at that 
time as at present. The value of the florin, in United States currency, is fortv cents. 

t Note C. 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 57 

that no church was granted to Robinson's congregation ; 
and also, that, from the want of any contemporary testi- 
mony to the fact of attentions at his grave, and from the 
fact that the plague raged at the time of his death, during 
which all public funerals were prohibited, there is good 
reason for believing that no such attentions as have been 
narrated were shown. 

I have found, however, evidence of an attention on the 
part of the University of Ley den to Robinson, which does 
not appear to be mentioned by any of our authors. It is 
his admission, in 1615, as a subject of the University, — 
an admission which exempted him from the control of the 
town magistrates, and which, in addition to several other 
privileges, entitled him to receive, free of town and state 
duties, every month, half a tun of beer, and every three 
months about ten gallons of wine.* This privilege was 
extended, as an honorary distinction, to many persons of 
eminence who visited Leyden ; and the learned Dr. Sie- 
genbeck, the historian of the University, mentioned to me 
the possibility of Robinson's name being inscribed in its 
books, although he was himself unaware of such being 
the case, and also unaware of the fact that such a person 
or that such a congregation had ever been in Leyden. f 

On looking over the catalogue of the students admitted 
after 1609, which is not printed, but a part of which has 
been recently copied by order of the Senate of the Uni- 
versity, I found the record of Robinson's admission in the 
following words : — 

"1615, 
Sept. 5°. Joannes Robintsonus, Anglus, 

Coss : permissu. Ann. xxxix. 

Stud. Theol. alit Familiam." 

It will be seen that this honor was not accorded until 
after six or seven years' residence in the city, and, from 

See Note D., for an attested copy of his admission, and a notice of the privileges 
attending it. 

f I received, while making these inquiries, a great deal of kind assistance from 
manj of the professors and learned men of Leyden, two of whom, Dr. Dermbut and 
Dr. Leemans, I must thank most cordially; hut I was forced to believe that the im- 
pression made by the Pilgrims had not been very strong, when I found the fact of 
their presence for ten years in that town was quite unknown to all with whom I 
spoke. 

VOL. IX. 8 



58 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

the marginal remark, " Consilium permissu" it is not im- 
probable that some objection had been previously made by 
the town magistrates. The record of the admission of Rob- 
ert Durie, the pastor of the English church, is in some- 
what different form. He arrived at Leyden in 1609, 
and early the next year received that honor which was so 
slow in reaching the pastor of the Pilgrims. 
The record for him is thus : — 



"1610, 

Aprilis 27. 
Honoris 



Robertus Durasus, Anglicanae 

Eccleske Minister, apud 
et ministerii j Lugdunenses in Batavia, 
ergo gratis An. lv. 

inscriptus. j familiam alens." 

And again, in the following year, there is another in- 
scription, pi;obably of the son of Durie. 

" 3611, 

Aug. 3. Johannes Durceus, Scholus, An. xii. 
Gratis. Stud. Phil, habit, apud Parentes." 

It is not improbable that this privilege was given to 
Robinson on account of the part which he took in opposi- 
tion to the opinions of Arminius ; although in the records 
of the University there appears no account of those public 
discussions w 7 ith Episcopius in which he engaged, and of 
which both Bradford and Winslow give us notices.* So 
I am informed by Professor Sandifort, the present Record- 
ing Secretary of the University, who was kind enough 

* Mr. Young quotes, p. 42, in reference to these discussions, a passage from 
Hoornbeeck's Summa Contrortrskirum Religionis, 1653. Hoornbeeck was for a long 
time Professor of Divinity at Utrecht, where, in 1653, he published the first edition of 
the book to which Mr. Young refers. In that there is no allusion to Robinson as 
having taken part in any discussions. In the same year, Hoornbeeck removed to Ley- 
den, and there, in 165c'. published his second edition, containing the passage referred 
to. (See Note E.) Mr. Young savs that he finds no notice of this discussion in any life 
of Episcopius. Bradford tells us that Episcopius was put to a " non-plus." If one may 
believe in the great powers of argument that the biographers of Episcopius accord 
him, this will appear to be no small triumph. In }bt Leven van Simon Episcopius, 
Amsterdam, 1776, many discussions are mentioned, from ail of which he came ott' 
triumphant. His peculiar powers were, however, particularly displayed on one oc- 
casion, when opposing Dr. Sibrandus. " In the year 1010, Episcopius held a public 
disputation with Dr. Sibrandus, and in this his language was so clear, his logic 20 
strong, and his arguments so convincing, that many who knew nothing of the Latin 
tongue declared themselves converted to his side. One burgher, in particular, on 
hearing the discussion, became convinced of the truth of Episcopius's doctrine, and 
being asked how he could judge, as they spoke only in Latin, of which he knew 
not a word, replied, — Die etrst kicaad icordt, die hecft het vertooren, — ' The first 
who becomes angry, he I know has lost.' " 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 59 

to examine for me the Acta Senatus Academici for 1612, 
1614, and 1615. But as such public disputations were at 
that time of constant recurrence in Leyden, and of little 
importance in their results, it was very rare that any rec- 
ord of them was made. It is to be lamented that in these 
discussions Robinson is found taking the part of the bigots. 
But principles, in a certain sense, change with times, and 
it would be unjust to judge his conduct by the standard of 
other days than his own. There are few, I think, among 
the sons ot the Pilgrims, who would not wish to find him 
ranged with the friends, rather than with the persecutors 
and final butchers, of the wise, the just, the generous 
Barneveldt.* 

Some words used by Governor Bradford in his corre- 
spondence with the " Directors and Counsellors of the 
Colony of New Netherlands " have been also frequently 
referred to as a proof of the favorable position in which 
the Pilgrims stood towards the Dutch when in Holland ; 
but a little reflection upon the circumstances under which 
those letters were written will, I think, somewhat lessen 
their value as evidence in regard to this point. The cor- 
respondence is preserved in Governor Bradford's letter- 
book, to which I have before referred, and is published 
in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 
The first letter from the Dutch officers, which is not giv- 
en in the letter-book, contained, as we may infer from the 
reply, many fine congratulatory words, and also proposi- 
tions of friendship and commerce. Its date w r as March 
9th, 1627. The reply, of March 19th, 1627, alludes to the 
professions of good-will contained in the Dutch letter, ad- 
ding, that they are " expressed with over high titles * ? ; and 
after congratulating the Dutch Directors and Council on 
the friendship then subsisting between their two govern- 
ments at home, which should alone make them also 
friends, continues : — " Yet are manv of us further tied by 
the good and courteous entreaty which we have found in 
your country, having lived there many years with freedom 
and good content, as manv of our friends do to this day; 



* The active part which the professors of Leyden, opposed to Arminius, took in the 
rauits against Barneveldt, Hugo Grotius, and others, will be found mentioned in 

nearly all the contemporary notices, as also in Brandt's History of the Reformation 

t* the Low Countries. 



*TI 

pu 



60 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 

for which we are bound to be thankful and our children 
after us, and shall never forget the same, but shall hearti- 
ly desire your good and prosperity as our own for ever." * 
When, a few months later, Isaac de Razier, the chief 
merchant and second of the governors of the New Neth- 
erlands, arrived at. Plymouth, he was received, as the mar- 
ginal notes of Bradford state, with all possible honor, — a 
boat being sent for him, in which he " came honorably 
attended with a noise of trumpeters. 55 They seem to have 
understood one another very well, neither having been 
deceived by the kind expressions of the other. Of the 
Dutch offers of assistance Bradford says, — " The which, 
though we know it was with an eye to their own profit, 
yet w T e had reason both kindly to accept it and make use 
of it. 55 

But although his reply was couched in even more than 
friendly terms, this movement of the Dutch was watched 
with great jealousy. Their friendship was not to be re- 
jected, yet there was danger in too great an intimacy, 
and it was to be feared by the colonists that their advan- 
tages of trade with the natives might be soon usurped by 
their enterprising neighbours. That Bradford was not quite 
at ease, notwithstanding the tone of their mutual compli- 
ments and the " noise of trumpeters, 55 may be inferred 
from the letter which a short time after (June 15, 1627) 
he wrote to " The Council of New England " in England. 
After expressing an opinion as to the rising influence of 
the Dutch colony, and the importance of guarding against 
them, he says, — i; For strength of men and fortification, 

they far exceed us, and all in this land The effect 

of their letters being friendly and congratulatory, we an- 
swered them in like sort." f 

The value of an inference drawn from compliments 
passed under such circumstances is, perhaps, not very 
great. 

One evidence of the poverty of the Pilgrims while in Hol- 
land may be found in the fact of the hard terms to which 
they were compelled to submit in their contract with the 
" merchant adventurers ?? in England, who supplied them 

*■ See Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. III., p. 52. 
t Ibid., p. 56. 



Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 6] 

with the means to emigrate to America and lay the founda- 
tion of their coiony. Every person above sixteen was to 
be counted as ten pounds in the capital stock; and the 
U merchant adventurer,' 7 who advanced one hundred 
pounds in England, was to receive, at the end of seven 
years, as much of the profits of the colony as did ten of its 
hard-toiling founders ; and this in addition to a share of 
the land they had brought under cultivation, and the 
buildings they had raised. The colonists were not even 
allowed the liberty, possessed at the present day by a 
Valachian serf or a Spanish slave, to work two days in 
the week for themselves individually ; but were compelled 
by their agreement to toil untiringly for seven years, and 
always for the benefit of the Company.* 

Taking into view, then, the care and suffering that they 
endured in Holland, as shown by their own early writings, 
— the absence in these writings of all notice of any at- 
tentions from the magistrates, — viewing also the fact, 
that no traces can now be found of their having enjoyed 
any public place of worship, and also that the honor of 
admission to University privileges was not accorded to 
their pastor until after many years, f — viewing, further, 
the hard terms to which they were forced to submit in 
order to raise the means for their emigration to America, 
may we not justly infer that the condition of the Pilgrims 
while in Holland was one of poverty and obscurity? 

I must confess I cannot sympathize with those who 

* The conditions of this agreement are to be found in Hubbard's History. He 
does not give the source from which he derived them. Mr. Young supposes them to 
have been taken from Bradford's journal, and to that he has restored them, placing 
them within brackets. See Young's Pilgrims, pp. 81 -85. 

Hard as these conditions certainly were for persons possessing the character and 
intelligence of the Pilgrims, they are not unlike such as are sometimes made at the 
present day by emigrants from the Old World. I remember, when at the island of 
Elba, seeing in the harbour of Porto Ferrajo a vessel just ready to sail for Pernambu- 
co, having on board two hundred natives of the island. The contract made with 
each of them, and which was shown to me by the single " merchant adventurer," 
who, in this case, accompanied them, was, that the expenses of their passage to 
A.nerica, and of their maintenance for five years, were to be paid by him, they to 
work constantly during that time, at their several trades, for his benefit (excepting 
only the usual Church festas) y and, during other five years, to pay to him a part of 
their earnings. 

j I omit, in this connection, the fact, that their former presence in Leyden is now 
o,mte unknown to most of the learned men of the University ; for that only proves 
that the memory of good men will not always survive them for two hundred years. 
I shall give in a note (E.)sorne of the? earliest notices of Robinson with which I met 
*a different works published in Holland and in Germany, 



62 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 

would wish to make it appear otherwise. For to do so 
would be, to my mind, not only to violate historic truth, 
but also to dim one of the brightest traits in the Pilgrims' 
character; — I mean their union, and firm, unbending reso- 
lution, displayed under circumstances far less likely to 
call those qualities into action, than when as colonists 
they had emigrated to America. 

Once at Plymouth, they had no alternative. Their ship 
had not, it is true, been burned upon the strand ; yet few 
could have any hope of return. The forest was before 
them, the ocean behind. Placed in such a position, the 
weak become strong, and men of small courage display 
an energy, of the possession of which they were them- 
selves before all unconscious. But in Holland, they had 
before their eyes the temptation of their own English 
homes; they had a land " less hard 75 within reach, and 
nothing to restrain them from enjoying it but a principle. 
Had magisterial favors and physical comfort attended 
them in Leyden, then there were no self-denial in their 
position. Cut this was not the case ; the hardness of the 
country was such that few would come to them, and 
fewer would bide it out and continue with them,- — and 
many that wished to join them admitted of bondage, with 
danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hardships 
in Holland* 

And why not give the Pilgrims credit for having en- 
dured, unflinchingly, for eleven years, those hardships? 
Why is it that some writers have found delight in keeping 
back the fact of their poverty, and in dwelling compla- 
cently upon the assumed attentions of the Dutch magis- 
trates ? Is it that honest, industrious, independent pov- 
erty is a crime ? Is it that the attentions of the Sche- 
pens and Burgermeesters of a provincial town in Holland 
can add to the fame of men who, not shrinking from 
poverty or from danger, left their homes rather than to 
sacrifice a principle, and became, in a foreign land, the 
fathers of a nation, millions of which now rise up and call 
them blessed ? By their icorks let them be judged. 

LosDcm, Dec. 22d, 1842. 

* See Bradford's journal, Young, p. 45. 



NOTES. 



Note A. — Page 49. 
ENGLISH CHURCH AT LEYDEN. 

The occupation, by Leicester, of some parts of Holland, during the 
reign of Elizabeth, had brought numbers of English to that country, 
many of whom took up their abodes there. Previously to this, howev- 
er, commercial factories had been established at different points, many 
of which were created by Scottish merchants, who had for a long 
time enjoyed the benefit of favorable treaties between their own sov- 
ereigns and the rulers of the Netherlands. By a treaty made Decem- 
ber Id, 1550, between Mary, the queen, and Charles the Fifth of 
Germany, the Scotch were allowed to hold their own boards of com- 
merce, and to enioy while »n the Nefb^'^anH^ ?}} the rights or >d priv- 
ileges of the Dutch themselves ; and, in 1594, an act in confirmation 
of this was agreed to by James the Sixth and the Dutch States.* 

When, in 1585, the treaty was made between Elizabeth and the 
Seigniors of the Netherlands, by which English troops were to be 
sent to that country to take part in the war with Spain, it was provided 
by the fourteenth article of that treaty, that "They [the Dutch] 
will permit to the governor and the garrison the free exercise of reli- 
gion, as in England ; and to this end, a church will be provided for 
them in each town."t The churches, thus opened, were frequented 
by others than the soldiers ; and in a tew years, there was scarcely a 
town in Holland, of much importance, that had not its English congre- 
gation. 

That at Leyden was formed in 1609, in which year it received, by 
order of the magistrates, a grant of a church, and a subsidy for its 
pastor, Robert Durie. Their meetings were at first held in the chapel 
of the Saint Catherine's Almshouse, where they continued until 1622, 
when another chapel was granted them attached to the Jerusalems 
Hof. Here they remained until 1644, when they removed to the Fa- 
Ivde Bagyn Hof, a part of the church of which they occupied until 
1807. 

The historian of Leyden, Van Mieris, to whom I have before re- 
ferredj records the opening of the English church in the following 
terms : — "So many English were coming here, that they petitioned 
(1609) for a church, and also for a salary for their preacher. They 
received permission to worship in Saint Katherine's Gasthuis. In 1616, 
their preacher died, and they petitioned the town that the salary might 
be continued, and paid to such neighbouring preachers as they might 
employ. Permission to do this was granted, and an order was given 

See Historic van de Oorlogen en Gesrhiedenissen der JSt'ederlanderen, door Van 
Meteren, Vol. VI., p. 121 ; also, Wa^euaar's Vadcrlandschc Historic, Vol. \'lU. t 
p. 400. 

t See Dumont, Corps Universel du Droit des Gais, Tome V.. Parte I., p. 454. 



64 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

to the Renlmeest.er of the church capital to pay a proper proportion 
of the subsidy to such preachers as might come from neighbouring 
towns, until a new preacher was chosen, and approved by the magis- 
trates. Order dated 20th February, 1617."* 

Van Mieris then continues with an act extracted from the Burger- 
mccsterenen Gercchis Dagboek of 12th January, 1§22, which states, that, 
owing to the number of different services performed in the Katherine's 
Gasthuis, it was well to make some change, and the magistrates 
therefore give to the English the little chapel of Jerusalems Hof.f 
(The chapel of Saint Catherine was, in 1609, used by the French 
Protestants in Leyden, and so it still continues to be, in 1342.) 

The congregation became, however, too large for this chapel, and 
on the 11th of March, 1644, the following order was issued by the 
magistrates, the record of which is by Van Mieris copied from the 
Dagboek :-— ' c The magistrates, hearing that the chapel in the Alms- 
house of Jerusalem, appropriated as a church or temple for the use 
of the English community of the Reformed Religion living in this city, 
was too small to accommodate all their number, ordered the town ar- 
chitect to make an examination of the room in the church of the Ba- 
gyn Hof (Beguine Cloister), formerly used as a fencing' school ; and 
having heard his report of the length, the breadth, and the height of 
this room, they find from the forenamed fabricant that this room is 
larger than the chapel. Wherefore they order and authorize that 
this room be used by and appropriated to the above-named congrega- 
tion, and that the preacher's stool, the chairs, benches, seats, &c, be 
carried there from the Jerusalems Hof chapel ; and further, that this 
room in the Kerk in the Bagyn Hof be in future the church of the 
English Reformed Community." Burgcnneesteren en Gercchts Dag- 
boek, xi. March, 1644. 

It will thus be seen that three distinct chapels were allowed them 
at different times, neither of which has, as I can find, been used at 
any time by any other English congregation. The little chapel in the 
Jerusalems Hof appeared to me the most probable one to have been 
granted to the Pilgrims, and I thought at first that it must have been 
their place of worship. But it was given, in 1622, to the English 
church, three years before the death of Robinson, who, we may safely 
say, once in possession of a church, would not have been driven out 
of it to make room for another. In the histories of Leyden there is 
no notice of the use to which it was devoted immediately prior to 
1622, although in the books of the Jerusalem Almshouse, now in 
the hands of Mr. Putkammer, one of the trustees, there is no notice of 
its having been used by English prior to 1622. In a small room at- 
tached to it, there is a large emblazoned copy of the will of its found- 
er, — Walter Cooman, 1467, — ■which was painted and fastened to the 
wall in 1618. This would not, I believe, have been done, had the 
chapel been then in the hands of strangers. 

Immediately after 1644, this chapel was used as the assembly-room 

* Beschrijvinu der Stad Leyden, Vol. I., p. 99. 

f Orlers, in his Btscfirijciiuj der Stadt Leijden, p. 143, says of the Jerusalems 
Gasthuis in 10-11 : — "'• Dtt Cappelletzen wert tegenwoordeele ghebrupekt by de 
Engelsche Gherneente doende Professie van de Gerelbrnieende iielijie,' — This 
chapel is at present used by the English sect professing the Reformed Religion. 



Notes. G5 

of the Beer Guild, and so continued until 1795, when all guilds were 
abolished, and it is now (1842) a storehouse for turf to be burned in a 
neighbouring mill. This chapel is on the Broedertjesgracht, and has 
on its front wall the arms of the Brewers, with the words " Bier Dra- 
ger's Gilden-Hoys." I mention all these particulars, lest any curioua 
American, searching in future for the church of the Pilgrims, should 
fancy, as I did for a time, that he has found it in the Jerusalems 
Hof> 

A book was published a few years since. — History of the Scottish 
Church at Rotterdam, by William Steven, Minister of that Church, Ed- 
inburgh, 1833, — which contains some notices of the different English 
churches in Holland, not so accurate, however, as to permit their be- 
ing implicitly relied on. Speaking of Leyden, the author says, — "As 
many British residents resorted to this rising seat of learning, the 
States of Holland and the magistrates of the town instituted and en- 
dowed, at their joint expense, a Scottish church in 1609." — p. 312. 
Again: — tc The Rrownists had a chapel here, unci their pastor was 
Mr. John Smith. In the printed histories of Leyden there is no men- 
tion made of this religious sect, and the probability is that it did not long 
exist. The English who settled in this town were genteel families, 
whom the superior advantages of education drew to Leyden in consid- 
erable numbers; and there were besides a few cloth manufacturers, 
and other artisans : ' — p. 312. 

This English, or (s Scottish church," is the only church of either 
nation, in relation to which any record can be found in the Acts of 
the Reformed Church at Leyden. So I am told by the Rev. Dr. 
Dermout, a most learned and accomplished divine of Leyden, who 
has probably studied with more care than any living person in Hol- 
land the early history of its church. The fact of the presence of 
Robinson's congregation for a time at Leyden was known to him, from 
its being stated in Neal's History of the Puritans, a translation of 
which into Dutch, under the title Historic der JRechtzinninge Puriteinen, 
was made by Jan Ross, and published in 1752, at Rotterdam. The 
records of the Reformed Church — Aden des Kerkenraads — are now 
in the hands of Dr. Dermout, by whom they have been recently ar- 
ranged ; but those prior to 12th October, 1620, are lost. Had there 
been, however, any intercourse between Robinson's congregation and 
the Dutch churches, there would probably be some notice of it at the 
time of his death. Dr. Dermout and myself went carefully over the 
records for 1625 and 1626, but no notice whatever of Robinson or his 
congregation was to be found. This gentleman was kind enough to 
make further search, and below you have the different notices in rela- 
tion to the English church which were found in the Acts. 

The names of the preachers of this church are constantly printed in 
the little calendar, or Orde de Feest en Ljjdinsteksten in de Hemeente it 
Leiden, and the following is a leaf cut from that volume. 

* There is yet another historian of Leyden. Leeven, whose book was published in 
1672. The great work of Van Miefis is, however, superior to all others. Leeven 
speaks of the English sect as having a room, at that time, in the Falyde Bagyn Hoi ; 
but he ha* no mention of any other English congregation. 
VOL. IX. 9 



66 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

11 Predikanten in de Engelsche Gemeente. 

Robcrtus Durie, beroepen 1609 ; gestorven 16 1C. 

Hugo Goudgicr, ber. 1617; gestorven ICC1. [Teekefit Hugo Goodierus 
in actis Goudiart.] 

Mattheus Newcomen, beroepen nit Engeland 1663 ; gestorven 1669. 

Eduardus Richardson, Doct. Theol., her. 1670 ; op zijn verzoek out- 
slag en 1674. 

Henrikus Hickman, ber. nil Engeland 1675 ; gestorven 1691. 

Wilhelmus Castares, als tweede Predikant beroepen 1638 ; verlrokken 
tot den dienst van Zijne BriUannische Majesteit 1689. 

Robbertus Fleming, ber. nit Engeland 16952 ; verlrokken naar Rotter- 
dam in de Schotsche Kerk 1695. 

Johannes Milling, (Pred. in het leger), 1696; verlrokken naar Dublin 
1102. 

Robb. Milling, Prop., ber. 1702 ; verlrokken naar 's Gravenliage 1716. 

Thomas Gowan, ber. van Drumbo in Ierland 1716 ; gestorven 1753. 

William Mitchell, Prop., ber. 1753; gestorven 1307, ruim 81 jaren oud ; 
— wanneer de Engelsche Kerk gesloten zs." 

The following extracts from the church records arc interesting, as 
they show in some degree the feeling of an English preacher at that 
time, and show also that what has been so freely charged upon the Pil- 
grims as intolerance was not exclusively monopolized by them. Some 
who have been disposed to regard the Pilgrims as patterns of bigotry 
may perhaps be surprised at these acts on the part of a church favored 
by the government, the members of which, as Steven tells us, were 
men of " genteel families, whom the superior advantages of education 
drew to Leyden." 

"Extract uit de Handelingen des Kerkeraads van de Nederduitsche 
Hervormde Gemeente ie Leijden. 

11 1630. 1 Maart. Richard Parsons verzoekt by requeste dat hij 
zoude mogen in de Duijtsche Kerke alhier worden aangenomen, niette- 
genstaande dat de Kerkeraad van de Engelsche Kerke hem geene 
attestatie begeert te geven. Is goedgevonden, dat men den Predikant 
Goodier daarover zal aanspreken. 

" 15 Maart. Alzoo de Engelsche Kerk persisteert geene attestatie 
te wilien geven aan R. Parsons, oordeelt deze Vergadering dat de 
voorzegde R. P. met alle gevoegelyke middelen zal zien de attestatie 
te bekomen, doch dat hy wel zoude doen bij de Engelsche Kerk te 
blijven. 

"2 Aug. R. Parsons gepraesenteerd hebbende een request aan de 
achtb. magistraat, om uit de Engelsche Kerk te mogen overgaan in 
de Duitsche ; [waarin hij klaagt, dat hij geweerd is van het Avond- 
maal en geene attestatie kan bekomen, omdat hy eenen zoon heeft die 
de Engelsche spraak niet verstaat en dien hy niet met zich ter predi- 
catie nemen kan, maar dien hy zelf naar de Duitsche preek moet bren- 
gen, omdat hy anders terstond weder ter kerke uitgaat :] Is goedge- 
vonden den Engelschcn Predikant aantespreken en te induceren, cm 
hem met attestatie te Jaten gaan. 

55 23 Aug. R. Parsons is aangezegd, dat de Engelsche Predikant 
zwarigheid blyft maken, om hem te dimitteren, maar hem in de En- 



Notes. 67 

gclsche kerk wil blyven toelatcn, ofschoon by zynen zoon in de Duitsche 
Kerk brengt ; en met eenen gebeden die zaak zoo te laten verblijven. 

11 1638. 23 Julij. Is aangediend van een zeker lidmaat van de 
Engelsche Kerk, [Jlenrick Staffart.] dat hij van bet Avondinaal wordt 
afgehouden, omdat hij zvn Chirurgijns. of barbiers-ambt Zon 
's morgens voor de predieatie of voor half negenen, tot gerief van vele 
arme luiden of werklieden, die de gehcele week arbeiden en tot on- 
derhoud van zyn huisgczin uitoefent, volgens de keure van den Ma- 
gistraat ; verzoekende hulp en raad van deze Vergadering. Is goed- 
gevonden den goeden man te raden, dat by alsnog attestatie verzoeke 
van de Engelsche Kerk, en voor zoo verre men hem dat weigert, te 
verzoeken eerie attestatie naar waarheid. 

"6 Aug. Is aangediend, dat de Engelsche Cbirurgijn van den En- 
gelsehen Kerkeraad verzocht hebbende eene attestatie, met insertie van 
hetgeen de Kerk tegen hem had, niet had kunnen obtineren. Is goed- 
gevonden dat men D. Goodier daarover zal begroeten. 

"27 Aug. Is voorgelezen het antwoord van Mr. Goodier. Is goed- 
gevonden hem nog eens te spreken, en hem te zeggen dat deze Verga- 
dering de proceduren niet kan billrjken, en zoo er niet werd geaccor- 
ueeru, dat wij hem (den Chirurgyn) niet zouden kunnen zonder hulpe 
laten. 

11 17 Sept.. Zekere Engelschman, lidmaat van de Engelsche Kerk, 
JSlcolaas Oliardt genaamd alleen (zoo hy zegt.) aldaar van het Avond- 
maal ontzegd, omdat hy eenige ma!en onze predicatieen had gefre- 
quenteerd, verzoekt de hulpe dezer Vergadering, ten eindehij of weder- 
opgenomen, of met attestatie gedimitteerd zoude worden. 

" Beide deze zaken alzoo gebleken zynde, en de Engelsche 
Kerkeraad eene schriftelyke beschuldiging inleverende bij (]cn 
Majiistraat, waarin niets anders wezenlyks tegen beide werd inge- 
bragt, zijn zij op bevel der Regering den 2en Dec. 1630. aange- 
nomen ais leden der Nederduitsche Gemeente, alsmede de Doch- 
ter van Staffart. onder protest van Ds. Goodier. 

" Eodem die. 2 Dec. 1639. Is mede gerapporteerd dat met Ds. 
Goodier is gehandeld belangende den persoon van Nicolaas Gildinus. 
die eene vrouvv van onze Gemeente getrouwd hebbende, verzocht zyne 
attestatie om bij ons te kornen, tegen welken by hem Goodier deze 
ergernissen als verhindering van attestatie zyn voortgebragt : eerst, dat 
hy den geheelen Zondag toebak verkocht ; daarna, dat hij des Zon- 
daags vermaand zynde zyne vensters te willeii sluiten, nochtans die 
altyd had opengehouden ; voegende niettemin daarbij, dat hij anders 
een bescheiden man was. Waarop gehoord zynde in deze Vergader- 
ing de voorn. Gildinus en verstaan zyn antwoord. nam. dat wel mogt 
zyn, dat nu en dan op den Zondag de een en de ander om tabak ko- 
mende was besteld geworden, maar dat zulks was geschied zonder dat 
hy daarom de oefening van den Godsdienst had nagela^en, beloofde 
ook in het toekornende denzelven getrouwelyk te willen oefenen. De 
Vergadering heeft goedgevonden hem tot een lidmaat dezer Gemeente 
aantenemen. 

f ' l&oo. 23 April. Ds. Lantsman vraagt, hoe dat hy zich zoude 
hebben te gedragen nopens zekeren .Engelschman van der Brownisten 
Vergadering, die zulks is verzoekende om by onze kerk aangenomen 
te worden. Wordt Ds. Lantsman toebetrouvvd om met hem te han- 
delen over zyne confessie, en bijaldien hy daarin gezond zal worden 



68 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

bevonden, als mede de Kerken-ordre niet tegensprekende, by name in 
het stuk van den Kinderdoop, hern naar gewoonlyke ordre aantenemen. 
" Voor extract conform. 

" I. DERMOtT, Theol Doct. 
Predikant by de Nederd. Hervormde Gemeenie. 

"Leyden, 13 December, 1841." 

Translation. 

Extract j rem the Journal of the Church Council of the Dutch Reformed 
Communion in Leijden. 

1630. 1 March. Richard Parsons states in a petition, that he is 
desirous of making his confession of faith in the Dutch church ; not- 
withstanding which, the council of the English church refuse to give 
him an attestation. It is resolved that the preacher Goodier shall be 
spoken with in regard to this. 

15 March. The English church persisting in its refusal of an attes- 
tation to Richard Parsons, the assembly is of the opinion that the said 
R. P. should try bv all convenient means to get *h^ attestation, but that 
he would do well to remain by the English church. 

2 Aug. Richard Parsons having presented to the Right Honorable 
Magistrates a request that he may be permitted to leave the English 
church and join that of the Dutch, — in which petition he complains 
that he has been both shut off from the communion table, and refused 
an attestation, because, having a son who does not understand the 
English language, he has taken him to the Dutch church, he being 
obliged to accompany his son, for otherwise he leaves the church im- 
mediately, — it has been resolved to speak about this with the English 
preacher, and induce him to dismiss Parsons with an attestation. 

23 Aug. It was announced to Richard Parsons, that the English 
preacher still opposes difficulties to his dismission, but consents to let 
him remain in the English church, notwithstanding that he carries his 
son to the Dutch church ; and so he is recommended to let the matter 
stand. 

1633. 23 July. Ry direction of the magistrates, who ask the aid 
and counsel of this assembly, it has been reported by a certain member 
of the English church, Henry Stalfart, that he is refused admission to 
the Last Supper, because he exercises his profession of barber-surgeon 
on Sunday mornings before the time of service, that is, before half past 
eight o'clock, which is for the benefit of numbers of poor men and 
working people that are employed throughout the whole week, and also 
for the maintenance of his own household. It has been resolved to 
counsel the good man to ask first an attestation from the English 
church, and, should this be refused, then to ask an attestation of the 
truth [facts], 

6 Aug. It is reported that the English barber, having asked of the 
English church council a certificate of the griefs the church has 
against him, could not obtain it. It is resolved that Ds. Goodier shall 
be spoken with in relation to this. 

27 Aug. The answer of Mr. Goodier is read. It is resolved to con- 
verse with him a^ain, and to inform him that this assembly cannot ap- 
prove the proceedings, and that, if the affair be not arranged, they will 
not leave the chirurgeon without help* 



Notes. 69 

17 Sept. A certain Englishman, member of the English church, 
named Nicholas Oliardt, having, as lie states, been shut oif from the 
communion table for no other cause than that he had sometimes attended 
the Dutch preaching, begs the assistance of this assembly, to the end 
either that he may be readmitted to the communion table, or dismissed 
with an attestation. 

Both these affairs being thus known, and the English church 
council having presented a written accusation against Staflart and 
Oliardt to the magistrates, in which, however, no other real charge 
than the above was made agaiust either ; they were both, accord- 
ing to the orders of the government, received as members of the 
Dutch communion, and also the daughter of Stafiart, — Ds. Goodier 
protesting. 
Eodem die, 2 Dec. 1639. It has also been reported what has 
occurred with Ds. Goodier in relation to Nicholas Gildinus, a person 
who, being married to a woman of our church, asked his permission to 
join us, against which are objected by Goodier the following griefs in 
impeachment of the granting him an attestation : — 1st. That he, dur- 
ing the whole of Sunday, was selling tobacco; 2d. That, having been 
admonished to close his windows on Sunaays, ne nevertneiess always 
kept them open, adding, however, that except this he was a well behav- 
ed man. Whereupon the answer of Gildinus, as heard in this assem- 
bly was thus : "That it might be that now and then he had given 
tobacco to one and the other who had come for it, but that this had 
occurred without his neglecting the exercises of God's service, which 
he promised also for the future faithfully to observe. 55 The assembly 
was pleased to accept him as a member of this communion. 

1655. 23 April. Ds. Lantsman asks how he shall conduct himself 
in relation to a certain Englishman, of the Brownist assembly, who has 
requested to be admitted to our church. It has been confided to Ds. 
Lantsman to converse with him about his confession, and if he should 
be found healthy in that, and also not disputing the doctrines of the 
church [Kerken-ordre], especially as to infant baptism, then to admit 
him in the ordinary manner. 



Note B. — - Page 54. 

ROBINSONS SERMON. 

In Morton's New England's Memorial, page 235, we have a notice of 
Winslow's mission to England in the following words : — " 1646. This 
year, Mr. Edward Winslow went for England, upon occasion that some 
discontented persons under the government of the Massachusetts 
sought to trouble their peace, and disturb, if not innovate, their gov- 
ernment, by laving many scandals upon them, and intended to prose- 
cute against them in England, by petitioning and complaining to the 
Parliament. Also Samuel Gorton and his company made complaint 
against them; so as they made choice of Mr. Winslow to be their agent 
to make their defence, and gave him commission and instructions for 
that end, in which he so carried himself an did iceil answer their ends, 
and cleared them from anv blame and dishonor, to the shame of their 
adversaries." 



70 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 

Upon the petition of the "discontented persons" Judge Davis re- 
marks, in his notes to Morton (p, 236), that " they do not appear so ma- 
lignant or unreasonable as they were esteemed when they were in 
agitation " ; and another historian, Backus, looks with equally lenient 
eyes at the proceedings of Gorton and his companions. (Sec History 
of New England, by Isaac Backus, Vol. I., pp. 195-204.) The col- 
ony had, however, been attacked; Winslow was to defend it; and in iia 
defence the Brief Narration was written. 

It was in this that first appeared that remarkable sermon, said to 
have been delivered by Robinson, at the parting of the Pilgrims from 
their brethren in Holland. Of this sermon the learned Judge Davis 
remarks (note, p. 29, Morton's New England's Memorial): — " It would 
be a culpable omission not to insert in this connection Mr. Robinson's 
exhortation to his people, in his fast sermon in July, 16 L 20, ' which 
breathes,' says Dr. Belknap, ' a noble spirit of Christian liberty, and 
gives a just idea of the sentiments of this excellent divine, whose 
charity was the more conspicuous because of his former narrow prin- 
ciples, and the general bigotry of the reformed ministers and churches 
of that day.' It is difficult to explain why this excellent advice was 
not preserved in the Memorial, or copied, as were many other documents 

of less interest, into the church records The following extract 

is copied from Dr. Belknap's life of Robinson ; he quotes Neal's His- 
tory of New England as his authority." Judge Davis states that " Mr. 
Prince gives an extract of this exhortation from Winslow's relation." 
But the "extract " of Prince is all that either Neal or Belknap gives. 

If the sermon, as in Neal (p. 83), be compared with the extract in 
Prince (p. 89), or with the original of Winslow in Young's Pilgrims 
(p. 396), it will be seen that they are the same, — that the whole ser- 
mon as given hy Neal is no longer than the extract given by Prince, — 
and that the only difference is in the change of the third person, used by 
Winslow, to the first person, used by Neal. Neal has given no authority 
for this sermon. Hutchinson says (in his preface to his first volume), 
that Neal's book "is little more than an abridgment of Dr. Mather"; 
and it^ we turn to Cotton Mather, we shall find (Book I., p. 14, fol. 
edit.) the sermon in the form which Neal, Belknap, and others, have 
copied. Cotton Mather gives no authority, but he has evidently drawn 
from Winslow, changing the person and form, and rounding off some 
sentences to produce more effect, but without adding a single idea. 
The finding a text seems to have been done by Neal, who appropriates 
that from Ezra viii. 21, which Governor Bradford gives in his journal 
as the text of a sermon preached by Robinson before their departure 
from Holland. Mather speaks also of this sermon and text from Ezra 
(p. 6), but mentions it as if different from the often quoted sermon, 
which he gives in another place. Was that sermon ever preached by 
Robinson ? The only authority which can be found for it is Winslow, 
and he gives, in an informal manner, twenty-six years after the time 
when the discourse is supposed to have been pronounced, that which 
forms the groundwork of the sermon in Mather, Neal, and others. 
Had Winslow taken notes of this discourse at the time, one may well 
be surprised, with the learned Judge Davis, that its "excellent advice 
was not copied, as were many other documents of less interest, into 
the church records." Had he taken no notes, his memory must have 
been of a superior order to enable him to write out a discourse which 



Notes. 71 

he had listened to twenty-six years before. But he does not pretend to 
.«ive us a positive discourse, in the manner of Mather, but says, — 
• 4 Amongst other wholesome instructions and exhortations, he [Mr. Rob- 
iason] used these expressions, or to the same -purpose.''' (Young's PiU 
-rims, p 396.) 



Note C. — Page 5Q. 

BURIAL OF ROBINSON. 

Of the inscription in the Blaffaarden van de Hoofd-Kerken, recording 
the receipt of nine llorins for the opening and hire of a tomb for Robin- 
son, the following is a fac-simile, certified by Dr. Dermout, to whom I 
have before alluded, and by Mr. de Pecker. 

[See fac-simile on opposite page.] 
Translation. 

" 1625 
10 March — Open and hire for John rvobens, English 
preacher- 9 florins." 

The volume from which this is taken is, as I have mentioned before, 
the record of church receipts. In the Gravenboeck, or book of inter- 
ments, which was deposited in the Stadt Huis in 1812, the following 
record appears of Robinson's interment. 
" 1625 

4 Maart — Jan Roelends, Predicant van de Engelsche 
Gemeente, by het Klockhuijs, — begraven 
in de PieteVs Kerk." 
Translation. 

John Roelends, Preacher of the English sect, 
by the Belfry, — - buried in the Peter's Church. 

The words " by the Belfry " allude to the residence of the deceased, 
which is mentioned against the name of each person. Near the Belfry 
of Leyden there was a large square, on one side of which alone were a 
few houses ; so that such a direction was perhaps sufficiently explicit. 

The Church of St. Peter is the oldest in Leyden, and the date 
of the first building is now quite unknown. In September, 1121, 
Godebald, twenty-fourth bishop of Utrecht, consecrated it by the name 
of St. Peter and St. Paul, and in 1339 it was much enlarged. (See 
Orlers's History of Leyden.) It contains now several monuments, 
among them, one to Boerhaven, one to Scaliger, &.c. 



Note D. — Page 57. 

ADMISSION TO THE UNIVERSITY. 

A\- old book, printed at Leyden in 1713, entitled Les Dilutes de 
Lcide, gives the following account of the privileges enjoyed by the 
students. 



72 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Ley den. 

"Les etudians aussi quels qu'ils soient, y'ont beaucoup de beaux 
Privileges ; comrne d'avoir tcus les mois, sans payer les Droits do 
l'Etat et de la Ville, chacun une demi-Tonne de Biere, et tous les trois 
mois vingt stoopen de Vin (chaque Stoop contient quatre pintes) et 
d'n'etre juges dans leurs diverses querelles et differens que par le 
Recteur Magnifique, quatre Assesseurs, quatre Bourgemaitres et 
deux Echevins (Schecpcnen) quand meme il y adroit en quelque. 

meurtre ; et aulres libertez Les personnes de la plus haute 

qualite, Princes, Comtes, Marquis, Barons, Sec., he, se font un honneur 
d'y voir paroitre leur Nom et d'avoir ete sujets de 1'Academie." — p. 71. 
These " fine privileges " continued to be enjoyed by the students 
until 1795, when, in the movement that followed in Holland the French 
Revolution, all old chartered privileges of a similar nature were brok- 
en up. The magisterial powers possessed by the University had, 
however, long previously to that time, given annoyance to the towns- 
people of Leyden, and produced, perhaps, as many heart-burnings as 
one sees existing at the present day between the academical and mu- 
nicipal officers of Cambridge and Oxford. 

The following is the record of Robinson's admission to the Univer- 
sity <jl Lieyden, ceruneu uy xji. xvisi, kjwc m me pruiessors oi me uni- 
versity. 

" In albo Civium Academioe Lugdvno-Batavre, die 5° Sepiembris, An- 
ni 1615, inscriptus est, ' Consilium permissu : 

" ' Joannes Robintsonus, Anglus, Ann. XXXIX., Stud. Theol. 
alit familiam. 5 

Q, T. 
" L, B. d. 10 Dec. V. J. Kist, Th. D. et Prof. 

A. 1841. pro Senatus Academia 

ab actis." 
Copied in my presence. 
G. S. 



Note E. 
EARLY NOTICES OF ROBINSON. . 

iNtheMSS. catalogue of the University Library at Leyden, the name 
of Robinson does not appear, neither is it in the old printed catalogue 
of 1750. In the Royal Library at Paris is a Latin copy of his Apologij, 
dated 1619, though no other books appear against his name. 

The earliest notice of Robinson that I can find in any work printed 
in Holland is one given twenty-eight years after his death, by John 
Hoornbeeck, in his book, Summa Conlroversiarum Religionis, Tra- 
jecti ad Rhenum (Utrecht), 1653. In his tenth chapter he devotes 
nearly a hundred pages to the Brownists, and, speaking of Robinson, 
says, — " Optimus inter illos fuit, de quo postremum dicendus, Johannes 
Robinsonus, quoque Leidensium Separatistarum -Minister, vir supra re- 
liquos probus atque eruditus." He speaks of Ames and Parker as 
having molliried Robinson in some degree, although ne would not allow 
entire communion with the Dutch church : and mentions Robmson'a 



Notes. 73 

Apology as having been printed in Latin in 1619 and in English in 

1644 ; but I can find no allusion to a controversy with Episcopius, a 
passage relating to which Mr. Young has copied (p. 42) from the second 
edition of Hoornbeeck, printed at Leyden in 1658. Is it not proba- 
ble that tiie fame of this discussion had not reached Hoornbeeck at 
Utrecht, but that he first heard of it at Leyden, to which place he re- 
moved in the same year that his first edition was published ? 

The second notice is in 1687, in Horn's flisloria Ecchsiastica, 
published during that year at Leyden. This book, however, must be 
well known in America. Prince refers frequently to it, and also Young, 
in his notes. Speaking of the Separatists, he mentions Jiruwn, then 
Barrow, Johnson, and Smith, and continues, — " Ita languentem et 
animam agentem Separatisrnum restituit* Robinsonus, Pastor Lei- 
densis, doctissimus ac modestissimus omnium Separatistarum, qui ab 
Amesio et Parkero in viam revocatus, rigidas Separatistarum opinio- 
nes mitigavit et Semi-Separatismum fundavit. Et hie Robinsonus verus 
author Indepcndentium hodiernorum et in nova et in veteri Anglia est. 
l)e quibus hoc in universum tenendum est : eos in doctrina nihil vel 
parum, in nullo saltern articulo fundamental! discrepare ab aliis Re- 
formatio Ecclesiis. Oseteniwi majorem ™_irit2.ie:n vitcc cenctitatem ac 
perfectionem pra3 se ferunt." 

In Memorabilia Ecchsiastica Seculi Decimi Septimi, per And. 
Carolum, published at Tubingen in 1697, is a short notice of Robin- 
son, which is compiled from Hoornbeeck's second edition and from 
Horn. He has the statement given in Youn£, p. 453, that the widow, 
children, and friends were received into the Dutch church. 

In Hoffman's Lexicon Universale, Lugduni Bat., 1698, Vol. IV., p. 
74, is a notice of Henry Robinson, in which part of the above section 
of text from Horn appears. Under the head, " Separatists, nomen sectcs 
in Anglia," he mentions Brown, Smith, and Robinson, and copies 
again a part of the foregoing paragraph of Horn, to whom he refers" as 
authority. Under " Independentes " a long notice is given, compiled 
also from Horn, in which the name of Robinson is mentioned. 

In the Universal Lexicon aller Ills s ens ckaf ten und Kunsle, Leip- 
zig, 1724, in 24 vols., folio, John Robinson is mentioned as an English 
preacher who left his fatherland on account of persecution. " Er wird 
auch von seinen Freunden geruhmet, dass er fro mm und gelehrt 
gewesen, auch von denen Leydnischen Professoren sehr hoch gehal- 
ten, und seine Apologie uberaus alien Gottesgelehrten zu recom- 
mendiren sey." The article continues by stating, that, after Robin- 
son's death, his congregation went to New England, whence many 
returned during the time of Cromwell. For this last statement his 
authority is Arnold's Kirch Historie; for that in regard to the Leyden 
professors, he refers to Hoornbeeck, Lib. X., p. 775. 

After this, all the notices of Robinson that I met with in Dutch 
books were drawn either from Hoffman's Lexicon, or directly from 
Horn. Some notices in more recent works are taken from Neal's 

" Optimam operara navavit in refutandis Arrnlnianis. Exfaf ipsins Apologia 
moderata, docta. brevis. Independentismus Democratia est, desinens in a»«^<«i>, 
P^rimens Jura Regiminis Ecclesiastici. Presbyterii, Classium, Synodorum, qua: tamen 
Scripturaria sunt, et defendenda contra Episcopatus hodierni Hierachiam." — pp. 
3U8, 399. 

VOL. IX. 10 



74 Memoirs of the Pilgrims at Leyden. 

History of the Puritans, which, as I have before stated, was translated 
into Dutch by Jan Ross, and published in 175:2, under the title, His- 
toric der Rechtzinninge Purileinen. 



Note F. 



There is in the writings of the Pilgrims no allusion, I believe, to the 
individuals who composed the magistracy of Leyden. Should any 
such be found at a future day, the following list of those officers for 
the years 1609 and 1620 will perhaps not be without interest. It is 
taken from Orler's History of Leyden, p. 650. 

1609. SchouL 

Loth Huygenszon Gael. 

Burgermeesteren. 

Claes Adriaenszon. 

Foy van Brouckhoven. 

Henrich Egbertson van der Hal, 

Schepenen. 
Vranck van Thorenvliedt, 
Jasper van Bauchem. 
Andries Jasperson van Vesanwelt. 
Adriaen Peterszon van der Werf. 
Frans Aciriaens van Leeuwen. 
Willem Govers van der Aar. 
Amelis van Hogeveen. 
Mr. Clemens van Baersdorp. 

1620. SchouL 

Mr. Willem de Bondt. 

Burgermeesteren. > 

Andries Jaspers van Vesanevelt. 
Mr. Jacob van Brouckhoven. 
Jacob Cornelisz. Leeusvcldt. 
Daniel Symonszon van Alphen. 
Schepenen. 

Jan de|Bendt. 

Symon Willems van Kerchem. 
Jan. Janz. Orlers. 
Adrian Henricz. van Tetrode. 
Pieter Cornells de Haes. 
Dr. Willem van Moerbergen. 
Cornelius Henricz. van Goten. 



MEMOIR OF GAMALIEL BRADFORD, M. D. 

BY CONTERS FRANCIS, D. D. 



the records of New England history. From William 
Bradford, the ancient governor of the Plymouth col- 
ony, — a man in the front rank of the Puritan worthies, — 
Dr. Gamaliel Bradford, of whom a brief notice is here to 
be given, was a lineal descendant, in the sixth generation. 
He was the son of Gamaliel Bradford, Esq., a gentleman 
who, by intellectual culture, manly courage, and the best 
qualities of a generous heart, won a high place in the 
respect of the wise and good.* 

Dr. Bradford was born in Boston, November 17th, 
1795. At the early age of twelve years, he had passed 
through the preparation usual at that time for admission 
to Harvard University. But, as he was deemed too young 
to meet the duties and hazards of a college life, he ac- 
companied his father on a voyage to the southern part of 
Europe, and was placed in a Catholic seminary at Mes- 
sina, where he remained nine months. The winter ol 
1808-9 he spent in London, and in the ensuing spring 
returned to Boston. His studies were continued at home, 
and in 1810 he entered Harvard University. Without the 
impulse of a strong ambition for the literary honors oi 
college, his unquestioned talents, classical attainments, 
and keen intellectual activity gave him a highly respect- 

* See a Memoir of him in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, 3d series, "V ol. 
I, p. 202. 



76 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford. 

able position among the good scholars of his class. At 
the Commencement in 1814, when he was graduated, he 
delivered an English poem, which, as well as his poetry 
on other occasions, afforded gratifying evidence that he 
had not courted the Muses in vain. 

Leaving college with the preparation of a ripened and 
richly furnished mind, Dr. Bradford selected for his call- 
ing the medical profession. While pursuing the studies of 
that department, he was occasionally engaged in the busi- 
ness of private instruction, and for one year held the office 
of assistant teacher in the Boston Latin School. In 
the winter of 1818, after a diligent attendance as a medi- 
cal student at the almshouse, he was seized with the 
typhus fever, which prevailed at that place, and for sever- 
al w r eeks his life was in great danger. He always thought 
that his constitution never wholly iteoveieu fiom thu shock 
of that illness. 

In the autumn of 1819, he went abroad in pursuit of 
the objects of his professional education, and attended the 
medical lectures at the University of Edinburgh. He re- 
turned in the spring of 1820, and commenced practice as 
a physician in Boston. In March, 1821, he was married 
to Sophia Rice, daughter of Colonel Nathan Rice, who 
had faithfully served his country as a major in the Rev- 
olutionary army, and was held in high esteem wherever he 
was known. Dr. Bradford found in the virtues and the 
devoted affection of his wife a blessing beyond all price, 
especially under the trials which afterwards fell to his lot. 
A few months before his marriage, he had removed to 
Cambridge, where a more rapid progress seemed to be 
promised in his professional business than could be ex- 
pected by a young physician in the city. During the 
winter of 1824-5, he delivered an excellent course of 
lectures on physiology in Boston, in connection with 
Dr. John Ware. In the autumn of 1826, he left Cam- 
bridge and returned to Boston. The following year, he 
gave up the medical profession, in the science of which 
few were so thoroughly versed, however its details of 
practice might be ill suited to his taste or temperament. 
He then undertook the management of a large brewery 
in South Boston, to the superintendence of which he de- 



Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford. 77 

voted himself with great industry and fidelity. While 
Dr. Spurzheim was ia Boston, Dr. Bradford, who was 
always a decided and strenuous adversary to the doctrines 
of phrenology, delivered three lectures" on the subject, 
distinguished for scientific clearness and ability. The 
business of the brewery he continued till 1833; and, with- 
in a few months after he left it, he received the appoint- 
ment of Superintendent of the Massachusetts General 
Hospital in Boston. The important and sometimes per- 
plexing duties of that station he discharged in a spirit of 
vigilance, faithfulness, and strict firmness, alike honorable 
to himself and happy for the institution. 

For some time Dr. Bradford had been suffering under 
a malady which filled the hearts of his friends with sad 
apprehensions. It was in 1832 that his health was first 

<»->r.nil o<-l *>«' +-• + (? f\t orMlonciT I U ,- ~ _ - - -- .--. -.--,) - (".. ... ,,,.,-.-,-, ,,-> .. 

eiS.^alit;U k/J xiib Ul trpiICp&y. xiiv/ot Jxi^n-anuci in nequeiicy 

and severity from year to year. Hoping to find some 
wholesome and relieving influence from a voyage, he went 
up the Mediterranean in October, 1838, and was absent 
four months. But his failing health was not restored or 
assisted; and on the 22d of October, 1839, an epileptic 
attack of unusual severity terminated his life, at the age 
of forty- four years. 

Every one acquainted with the intellectual character of 
Dr. Bradford will remember that he knew how to make 
the best use of the stores of an amply furnished mind. 
Few men could better sift the learning connected with 
any subject, so as to detach the available matter from a 
mixed mass. The steady clearness of intellectual vision 
for which he was remarkable enabled him to bring and 
keep before his view both the near and the remote bear- 
ings of a question. In conversing with him, one was 
often surprised to find in how few words he would lay 
open lines of thought before unnoticed, but now seen to 
be avenues to important truth. For all that ever wore 
the semblance of quackery or pretence he had a strong 
dislike, which expressed itself with severe honesty. A 
sham, however disguised under solemn forms or veiled 
with stately words, found little mercy at his hands. He 
appreciated well the meaning of the' saying, that ;i Reasons 
and reason are different things." It was his habit to sub- 



78 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford. 

ject facts to a rigorous scrutiny, arid to value them chiefly 
in reference to the general laws of which they are the 
expression. In the same spirit, he measured men and 
their doings by the standard of essential principles. There 
is a class of inquirers, who are seldom satisfied till they 
have removed the coverings gathered over opinions and 
actions by policy or custom, and looked at the central 
truth or falsehood which lies within. Dr. Bradford be- 
longed to this class. He sought always to reach what he 
believed to be the last analysis of a question, and to arrive 
at the broad principle which includes all particular cases. 
What may have seemed to some like extravagance in his 
views of political and social subjects was, in truth, the 
result of a philosophical spirit, that aimed to penetrate 
bevond conventional accidents to the foundation of man's 
relations and right* Hence he had the wisdom of hupe, 
which believes wrong to be remediable, simply because it 
is wrong. ".The greatest evils and the most lasting,* 7 it 
has been said, in words which might well express his doc- 
trine of reform, " are the perverse fabrications of unwise 
policy ; but neither their magnitude nor their duration are 
proofs of their immobility. They are proofs only that 
ignorance and indifference have slept profoundly in the 
chambers of tyranny, and that many interests have grown 
up, and seeded and twisted their roots in the crevices of 
many wrongs." * 

The character of Dr. Bradford's mind was strictlv ana- 
lytical. But he never undervalued those truths which 
find their justification in sentiment, provided the senti- 
ment were not another name for transient or perverted 
feeling. On the contrary, he regarded these as expres- 
sions of the soul's essential laws, and found their sufficient 
defence in the fact, that they are imbedded in the consti- 
tution of human .nature. Though he loved to look at 
things in the dry light of the understanding, yet he never 
forgot that the understanding alone cannot solve the great 
problem of man and his aspirations. His instinctive sense 
of right was quick, while his demand for evidence was 
searching and not easily satisfied. It is worthy of remark, 

*Laudor's Imaginary Conversations , Vol. III., p. 71. 



Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford. 79 

that the perverting influences which have sometimes been 
ascribed to medical studies, in questions of intellectual 
philosophy, never misled his mind. His faith in the in- 
tense reality of the spiritual nature was strong : and he 
never gave his sanction to the shallow speculations which 
would find an account of man's whole being in the action 
of material laws. 

In medical science the learning of Dr. Bradford was 
unquestionably ample, and his judgment sound and en- 
lightened. But his interest as a student reached far be- 
yond the limits of his professional inquiries. This was 
especially the case in the latter part of his life, when the 
great questions of intellectual and ethical philosophy were 
among his most frequent subjects of thought and conver- 
sation. He took much delight in the best books on these 

tr\rytr»c ^i}V Fl3mf>Q 1Y'» -7 -^ V T v> f «-» o |-» t«"-»o V» • q nfH^lTll! OT*1t? A'TiritO 

author; and it was not long before his death that he spoke 
with intense pleasure of the memoirs of that admirable 
writer, which he had then just read. From these severer 
studies he found a healthful recreation of mind in the best 
romances and works of fiction, which afforded him great 
pleasure, and of which he judged with fine critical taste. 

As a writer, Dr. Bradford was much and very favorably 
known, chiefly, however, in short and occasional efforts. 
These productions of his pen are numerous, and are mostly 
to be found in various journals of the day.* They bear 
honorable testimony to his power of clear, vigorous thought, 
his love of truth, and his fearless honesty of mind. He 
wrote with ease, and was fond of this exercise of talent. 
Had the powers of his mind been earnestly concentrated 
upon some large and important work, he would have 

* They consist principally of essays and reviews published in the Bostcm Specta- 
tor, The Nondescript, New England Journal, United Stales Literary Gazette, New 
England Magazine, North American Review, and Christian Examiner. Dr. Brad- 
ford's address to the Massachusetts Temperance Society, and his letter to Fletcher, 
Sprague, and Otis, on Slavery, were published in a pamphlet form. His speech 
when the Abolitionists had a hearing before a committee of the Massachusetts Hou*e 
of Representatives, in the spring of lo31, was published as a pamphlet, and also in 
The Liberator. These various writings amount to about eighty different piece::. 
While they all bear the stamp of no ordinary mind, some of them are enlivened with 
thai well directed humor which formed a part of the composition of Dr. Bradford s 
genius. It should be added, that he twice officiated as poet at the anniversaries of 
the Phi Beta Kappa Society in Cambridge, namely, in levJO and in 16*27. These 
poems were not published. 



80 Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford. 

left a memorial of his genius among the writings not soon 
to be forgotten. 

It may be said of Dr. Bradford, not only that his moral 
standard was high, but that it rose higher the more he 
became involved in the duties and the business of life. 
He never paltered with conscience or principle. No shuf- 
fling devices ever degraded his opinions or conduct. Dr. 
Bradford was eminently a man of integrity. Every one 
who knew him relied spontaneously on the forthright and 
thorough honesty of the man. In all transactions with 
others, and in the discharge of any trust, his faithfulness 
was minutely scrupulous. He would never avail himself 
of excuses even for those slight deviations from accuracy 
which are by common consent considered venial. But 
his integrity, exact as it was in these respects, reached 
much further. It directed and shaped his convictions, 
his opinions, and the use he made of his influence. It 
was a principle which rendered him faithful in all outward 
relations, because he was first faithful to his own soul. 
There was no hollowness at the surface, because the centre 
was sound. His thoughts and deeds were true to the 
law 7 of right ; his purposes and acts sprung from a mov- 
ing power in his own moral nature, not from gusty influ- 
ences abroad. Thus he was a whole man, not a compound 
of pieces and fragments, which have no harmony, and 
hold together only so long as they are surrounded by an 
outward pressure from the world's law or fashion. His 
integrity was not the varnish of conventional honesty in 
the affairs of the world, but the spontaneous form of 
thought and action taken by one who desires to he rather 
than to seem. It proved itself no less in fidelity to his 
convictions of right, than in fidelity to his engagements. 
His truthfulness might sometimes seem stern or abrupt: 
but its meaning w T as honest and even kind. No one could 
know him without perceiving that his indignation at wrong 
expressed a sentiment inspired alike by benevolence and 
by a sound logic, and that he was quite fearless in mani- 
festing; the feeling. From this source sprung his enlight- 
ened and firm attachment to the cause of Anti-slavery, 
a cause which he believed to rest on the high ground of 
unalterable right, as well as of pure humanity. His spirited 



Memoir of Gamaliel Bradford. 81 

and forcible speech in March, 1831, when the Abolitionists 
had a hearing before a committee of the Massachusetts 
House of Representatives, left a deep impression at the 
time, and will be long remembered by those who were 
present on that occasion. 

Dr. Bradford cherished a true and living interest in the 
Christian religion, both speculative and practical. The 
great questions it suggests to every thoughtful mind ar- 
rested his earnest attention, as questions reaching to the 
foundation of our being; and the importance of its sanc- 
tions to the true conduct of life was apprehended by htm 
in all its extent. The progress of years quickened his 
feelings and strengthened his convictions on this subject. 
In the latter part of his life, the highest truths became 
matters of a more searching and personal interest to him 
than ever. They made themselves ieh in ail his princi- 
ples ; and he would have deemed it a shallow folly to 
think of constructing a system of philosophy or ethics, 
without the religious sentiment at its centre. 

On the whole, we may say that here was a true, en- 
lightened, upright man,-— one who thought soundly and 
clearly, and kept the eye of his mind ever fixed on great 
principles, — a man of realities, not of devices. Those 
who knew him will always feel, that, in the remembrance 
of his fine talents and his unbending probity, they have 
that record of wisdom and virtue which gives forth an 
imperishable blessing. We are reminded of the very sig- 
nificant words of an ancient English drama : — 

" I have ever thought 
Nature doth nothing so great for great men, 
As when she 's pleased to make them lords of truth : 
Integrity of life is fame's best friend, 
Which nobly, beyond death, shall crown the end."* 

* Webster's Duchess of MaJfi. 



VOL. IX. 11 



NOTICE OF ORONO, A CHIEF AT PENOBSCOT, 



BY WILLIAM I). WILLIAMSON. 



To the Massachusetts Historical Society : 

The following original sketch i3 most respectfully presented by a 
corresponding member. 

WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON. 

Bangor, AIe. } March 12, I608. 



Joseph Orono, the subject of this sketch, was, for a 
long time, the well known chief of the Tarratine Indians, 
on the river Penobscot. But, though he was only an In- 
dian sagamore, his name, for the merits of his character, 
is w r orthy of remembrance and respect. His ancestry, as 
well as the exact number of his years, is involved in 
some doubt. For there are no family names among the 
natives, by which the lineage of any individual can be 
traced ; as a son inherits no name of his father. 

There has been a storv, that he was a native of York 
in this State, born about the year 1688 ; that his paternal 
name was Donnel ; and that he was one of the captive 
children taken in the winter of 1692, when that place 
W T as ravaged by the Indians. But this account is improb- 
able ; as the Northern Indians and those of the Merrimac 
and Androscoggin made the attack, and soon afterwards 
sent back to the garrison-houses the elderly women, and 
the children between the ages of three and seven years, 
in recompense to the English for previously sparing the 
lives of several Indian females and children at Pejepscot. 



Notice of Orono. 83 

At that time, moreover, the Donnel family was one of tho 
most distinguished in the province, Samuel being the same 
year one of the Council, and his brother a man of consider- 
able note. So that, if a son of either of them had been 
taken captive, it is probable he was returned or recovered ; 
or, at least, there would have been some traditional account 
of his being carried away. But no such report, even in 
York, has come down to this generation; and Captain 
Joseph Munsell, of Bangor, now in his eighty-eighth 
year, says the story has no foundation in fact, and has 
been treated by the intelligent Indians with derision. 

Another account, equally amusing, and more evident, is, 
that Orono was the descendant of Baron de Castine, a 
French nobleman, who, soon after the treaty of Breda, in 
1667, located himself on the peninsula of the town which 
now bears his name, and married a daughtei ui tut; cele- 
brated Madockawando, a Tarratine chief of the age. It 
is true, that Castine resided many years at that place, and 
carried on a very lucrative trade with the natives ; that 
he had three or four Tarratine wives, one being that saga- 
more's daughter ; and that, of his several children, one 
was " Castine the younger," a very worthy man, and 
another, a beautiful daughter, who married a Frenchman, 
and was, with her children, in 1704, taken captive. One 
of these, it has been supposed, was Orono ; * yet this 
rests too much on mere probability and conjecture, to de- 
serve entire belief. 

But whatever may have been the lineage or extraction 
of Orono, it is certain he was white in part, a half-breed 
or more ; — such being apparent in his stature, features, 
and complexion. He himself told Captain Munsell, his 
father was a Frenchman, and his mother was half French 
and half Indian ; but who they were by name, he did not 
state. Orono had not the copper-colored countenance, 
the sparkling eyes, the high cheek-bones, and tawny 
leatures of a pristine native. On the contrary, his eyes 
were of a bright blue shade, penetrating, and full of in- 
telligence and benignity. His hair, when young, was brown, 
perhaps approaching to an auburn east ; his face was large, 

* Nickolar, his kindred, says, " Orono was some related to old Castine." 



84 Notice of Orono. 

broad and well formed, of a sickly whiteness, suscept- 
ible of ready blushes, and remarkably sedate. In his 
person, he was tall, straight, and perfectly proportioned ; 
and in his gait there was a gracefulness which of itself 
evinced his superiority. He did not incline his head for- 
ward, nor his feet inward, so much as Indians usually do. 
But what principally gave him distinction was his mind, 
his manners, and his disposition. For Orono was a man 
of good sense and great discernment ; — in mood thought- 
ful, in conversation reserved, in feelings benign. Hence, 
he never allowed himself to speak, till he had considered 
what to say ; always expressing his thoughts in short 
sentences, directly to the point. He had not much learn- 
ing, being only able to read a little and write his name. 
But he could converse freely in three languages, the In- 
dian, French, and English ; perhaps, alco, understand some 
Latin phrases in the Romish litany. To the Catholic re- 
ligion he was strongly attached, and also to its forms 
of worship. Hence, the Rev. Daniel Little, of Kennebunk, 
a Protestant missionary to the -tribe after the Revolution, 
unable to shake his faith, asked three times, before he 
could get an answer from the sedate chief, thus: — " In 
tvhat language do you pray ? " With a gravity much more 
becoming than that of the missionary, he very reverently, 
raising his eyes a little, replied, — "JVb matter what, — 
Great Spirit knows all languages." 

Orono's manners were both conciliating and command- 
ing, and his habits worthy of all imitation. For he was not 
only honest, chaste, temperate, and industrious ; his word 
was sacred, and his friendship unchanging. He was re- 
markable for his forethought and wisdom, — for his mild 
and equable disposition. Though he was not deficient in 
courage or any of the martial virtues, he was so fully- 
aware how much wars had wasted his tribe, and entailed 
misery on the survivors, as to become, from principle, a 
uniform and persevering advocate of peace. He knew, 
and always labored to convince his people, that they flour- 
ished best, and enjoyed most, under its refreshing shades. 

At the commencement of the French and sixth Indian 
war, in 1754, Tomasus (or Tomer) was at the head of 
the tribe, when he, Osson, Orono, and other chief men, so 



Notice of Orono. 85 

wartsly espoused the policy of perpetuating peace, as to 
prevent the com mission of any mischief by their people, 
till after the Cargill affair, and the declaration of war 
against them by the provincial government. The fact 
was, that Captain James Cargill, of Newcastle, commis- 
sioned to raise a company of volunteers, enlisted and led 
them on an excursion into the woods towards Owl's Head, 
in the vicinity of Penobscot Bay. Discovering a party of 
Indian hunters, Cargill and his company instantly tired 
upon them, shot down twelve on the spot, and took their 
scalps; the rest, fleeing for their lives to the tribe, car- 
ried to it the tidings of the bloody and wicked transaction. 
Cargill was generally and highly censured by the white 
people, it being believed he must have known the un- 
happy hunters belonged to the tribe of the friendly Tarra- 
tiaes. 

Never were the feelings of the tribe put to severer 
trial. For the provincial governor, perplexed at the ne- 
farious affair, sent a message to the sagamores, stating 
that it was impossible to distinguish between their In- 
dians and others ; and that they must, within eight days, 
according to the last treaty, send twenty men to join in 
the war against the common enemy, or their tribe would 
be treated as belligerent foes. 

" What ! take arms in aid of men who had themselves 
broken the treaty, — base men, whose hands are reeking 
with the blood of unoffending Indians? Aunt x -arT, auiu- 
arf [no! no!]," cried the chief speaker in a council met 
on the occasion. " Sound the war-whoop. Strike through 
the false-hearted white men. Burn to ashes their wives, 
— their wigwams, too. Take blood for blood. The spir- 
its of our murdered brothers call to us for revenge. The 
winds howl to us from the wilderness. Sister widows 
cry, — orphans too. Do not Indians feel? Cut their 
veins, do they not bleed ? The moose bellows over wasted 
blood. The bear licks the bleeding wounds of its cub. 
Metunk-senah' ! Metunk-senah' ! [our Father, our 
Heavenly Father] pity our mourners. Avenge iii-treated 
tndians. Our fathers told us, Englishmen came here, a 
great many, many moons ago. They had no lands, no 
wigwams, — nothing. Then our good fathers say, — Come, 



86 Notice of Orono* 

hunt in our woods; Come, fish in our rivers; Come, warm 
by our fires. So they catch very great many salmon, — 
beaver too. They stay among us always. They rail 
Indians, good brothers. They smile in our faces. They 
make wick-hegin [writings], to live here with us, — 
all one, the same people. They signed them, as they call 
it, — our fathers, too. Then Engishmen call the lands 
their own. Our fathers meant no such thing. Certain, 
they never leave their children, to starve. Englishman 
always smiles, when he gets advantage. Then he loves 
us all greatly. When he wants nothing of Indians, he don't 
love 'em so much. Frenchmen never get away our lands. 
They sell us guns, — powder too,- — -and great many 
things. They give us down weight, full measure. They 
open our eyes to religion. They speak to us, in dark 
days, good words of advice. Englishmen rob us. They 
kill our brothers, when their hearts were warm with 
friendship, — when sweet peace was melting on their lips. 
We give them homes. They put the flaming cup to our 
mouths. They shed our blood. Did ever Englishmen 
come to Indian's wigwam faint, and go away hungry ? 
Never. Where shall Indians go ? Here we were born. 
Here our fathers died. Here their bodies rest. Here, 
too, we will live. Arise. Join Frenchmen. Fight Eng- 
lishmen. They shall die. They shall give place to In- 
dians. This land, this river, is ours. Hunt Englishmen 
all off the ground. Then shall Indians be free ; then 
the ghosts of our fathers bless their sons." 

The voice of Orono, himself then more than sixty years 
of aire, was still for peace. " To kill the living will not bring 
the dead to life. The crimes of few never sprinkle blood 
on all. Strike the murderers. Let the rest be quiet. 
Peace is a voice of the Great Spirit. Every one is blessed 
under its wings. Every thing withers in war. Indians 
are killed. Squaws starve. Nothing is gained; — not 
plunder, not glory. Englishmen are now too many. Let 
the hatchet lay buried. Smoke the calumet once more. 
Strive for peace. Exact a recompense by treaty for wrongs 
done us. None ! ay, then fijjht 'em." 

But the young Indians panted for war, revenge, and 
glory ; and as the government soon proclaimed that hos- 



Notice of Orono. 87 

tilities actually existed against the Tarratines, all hopes 
of any immediate pacification were dissipated. At first, 
the Indians made some violent attacks, killed several 
people, and burned a few houses. But they were neglect- 
ed by the French ; time, war, and disease, they found, had 
greatly thinned their ranks; in the course of three years, 
they became discouraged, — such a period being always 
long enough to satisfy Indian warriors ; and in 1759, the 
tribe was literally overawed by the establishment of Fort 
Pownall. on the westerly banks of Penobscot Bay. There- 
fore, in April of the next year, they entered into a treaty 
with the provincial government, and made war upon the 
colonists no more. The Tarratine tribe, before this 
war, was supposed to have contained seven or eight hun- 
dred souls. Their lodgment, or local residence, ever 
since the discovery of this region and probably long be 
fore, has been on the southerly part of Old- town Island, in 
Penobscot River, three leagues above its tide-waters, — a 
most beautiful plantation. 

Shortly after the close of the late war, Tomer was suc- 
ceeded by Osson, who was at the head of the tribe 
five or six years, perhaps longer. He lived to be about 
a hundred years old ; having been comissioned by the 
government of Massachusetts a justice of the peace* an 
office which he held to the time of his death, and which 
gave him the title of "Squire Osson. 7 ' Captain Munsell, 
who was well acquainted with him, says he was a very 
cautious, cunning man, — also a wise and influential chief. 
He always lived in good neighbourhood with the white 
people who settled within his territories, and had in re- 
turn their unfeigned esteem. He died about the begin- 
ning of the American Revolution. 

During the preceding interval of peace, Orono, next to 
Osson in political power, had, by his ability and pru- 
dence, acquired the confidence of his people so entirely, 
that they united and made him chief soon after the other's 
death. Orono was a high liberty-man, and from the first 
a thoroughgoing Whig. He could not imagine how the 
mother country could possiby wish to enslave or plunder 
the colonies, which were, as he thought, her distant chil- 

* The only native ever appointed by government to any such office. 



88 Notice of Orono. ' 

dren. Such were his views of riches, regions, sovereign- 
ty, and even glory, that he could not see how all of them 
combined could be any motive to so unnatural a warfare. 
Liberty, next to peace, was the sweetest sound that 
could salute Orono's ear. It was, to his experience, the 
gift and feeling of nature. In conference with his people, 
he declared it to be an inborn disposition of the heart, 
and natural habit of life, to strive against force and con- 
trol, as against death. He felt it. He knew it. The 
wild creatures that rove through the woods he had seen 
happy though hungry, because they were under no ties that 
bound them. The brave little beaver fights a duel with 
a hunter-boy for the chance of escape. What being does 
not sigh and sicken in confinement ? Does not even the 
spring-bird, then, forget its song? — the ermine its sports ? 
All nature flourishes, when free. The Great Spirit gives 
us freely all things. Our white brothers tell us, they 
came to Indian's country to enjoy liberty and life. Their 
great sagamore is coming to bind them in chains, to kill 
them. We must fight him. We will stand on the same 
ground with them. For should he bind them in bonds, 
next he will treat us as bears. Indians 7 liberties and lands 
his proud spirit will tear away from them. Help his ill- 
treated sons ; they will return good for good, and the law of 
love run through the hearts of their children and ours, 
when we are dead. Look down the stream of time. 
Look up to the Great Spirit. Be kind, be valiant, be 
free : — - then are Indians the sons of glory. 

Aroused and captivated by Orono's sentiments, his peo- 
ple generally became decided Whigs. He had also great 
influence with the sachems at Passamaquoddy, and even 
at the river St. John, though in each of the tribes there 
were Indian Tories, and party spirit ran . high ; human 
nature, whether cultivated or wild, exhibiting the same 
traits of character. At length, Orono and three of his 
colleagues started to go and tender their friendship and 
services to the government of Massachusetts, attended by 
Andrew Oilman, who could speak their language as well 
as his own. On their arrival at Portsmouth, money was 
liberally contributed to bear their expenses, and a carriage 
procured to help them on their journey. They met the 



Notice of Orono. 89 

Provincial Congress at Watertown, June 21, 1775, and 
entered into a treaty of amity with that body, and of en- 
gagements to afford assistance; afterwards proving them- 
selves to be among the most faithful allies of the Ameri- 
can people. In return for their pledges of good faith and 
immediate aid, Massachusetts forbade, under severe pen- 
alties, all trespasses on their lands, six miles in width on 
each side of Penobscot River from the head of the tide 
upwards. On the 19th of July, 1776, the three tribes 
mentioned all acknowledged the independence of the 
United States, and engaged to withhold all succours from 
the British enemy. In fact, there were stationed near 
the head of the tide on the Penobscot a company of thirty 
(twenty white men and ten Indians), under the com- 
mand of Andrew Gilman, a lieutenant, and Joseph Mun- 
sell, an orderlyrsergeant, both previously mentioned ; and 
at Machias, where Munsell w 7 as afterwards himself a lieu- 
tenant, there was a large company of one hundred Indians 
or more, commanded by Captain John Preble, ail of whom 
had rations, and most of them were under pay. No man 
was more faithful to his engagements than Orono. From 
1779, when the British took possession of the peninsula 
'Biguydun (now Castine), and exercised an arbitrary 
command over all the settlements on each side of the 
river, that active, vigilant chief communicated with great 
despatch to our officers and government important and re- 
peated intelligence ; for which he once, if not more, re- 
ceived a tribute of special thanks, and also a pecuniary re- 
ward. He was wise in counsel, and his zeal to the last 
was inspiring to his tribe. 

Orono was holden in equally high estimation after the 
war as before; and in 1785 and 1796, he entered into 
favorable treaties with Massachusetts, by which he and his 
tribe, for valuable considerations, assigned to her large tracts 
of land ; and also agreed with her upon the limits and ex- 
tent of the territory retained. This celebrated chief, after 
a very long; life of usefulness and distinction, died at Old- 
town, February 5, 1802 ; reputed to have been one hundred 
and thirteen* years old. But Captain Munsell, who con- 
versed with him in his last sickness, and asked him his 

* See Alden s Epitaphs, Vol I , Mo. 69, 
VOL. IX. 12 



90 Notice of Orono. 

age, thinks, according to bis best recollection, Orono told 
him be was about one hundred and ten years of age 
at that time. He was exceedingly endeared to bis tribe, 
and highly respected by all his English acquaintance. 
To a remarkable degree, he retained his mental faculties 
and erect attitude, till the last years of his life. As he 
was always abstemious, and as his hair in his last years 
was of a milky whiteness, he resembled, in appearance, 
a cloistered saint. His wife, who was a full-blooded na- 
tive, died several years after him, at an age supposed 
to be greater than his own. Of his posterity, it is 
only known that he had two children ; one a son, who 
was accidentally shot, about 1774, in a hunting party, aged 
probably twenty-five ; the other a daughter, who mar- 
ried old Captain Nichoiar. So desirous were his English 
friends and neighbours to perpetuate his name and charac- 
ter, that, when the territory in the immediate vicinity of 
Oldtown was incorporated into a town, March 12, 1806, 
it was called " Orono," in compliment to the worthy old 
chief. 

A few years after Orono's death, perhaps in 1806-7, 
the tribe chose Aitteon their chief sagamore. He was 
a very contemplative, sensible man. Having occasion, 
however, in the course of a i'cw years, to transact some 
business for his tribe with the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, he and two other Indians took a water-passage to 
Boston. Oppressed with anxiety and care for his peo- 
ple, and perplexed with the business on hand, he fell into 
a state of derangement, and stabbed himself, in Boston, 
so badly that he soon died. This was about the year 
1811, — an event much lamented. 

He was immediately succeeded by Jo Lolan (in Eng- 
lish, Joseph Loring). Of all the Tarratine sagamores, 
his abilities were the most slender, and his wisdom the 
least. He was wholly Indian ; chosen more on account 
of his parentage than his capacities, his mother being noted 
for her wisdom, beauty, and amiableness. Lolan's period 
of ruling the tribe as chief was short, as he died about 
1815. His son was more capable than he, and did the 
greater part of the father's business while he lived. 

Next, John Aitteon, son of the preceding sagamore 



Notice of Orono. * 91 

Aitteon, was chosen chief of the tribe; and on the 19th 
of September, 1 8 1 G, was inducted into office with great 
formality. He is a man of light complexion, of a pleasant 
countenance, considerable abilities, and manifestly of a 
mixed extraction, French and Indian. He is the present 
sagamore. John Neptune is the lieutenant-governor or 
sub-sachem. He is a pristine native, as evinced abun- 
dantly by his features, eyes, hair, and complexion. Fran- 
cis, the first captain, is the most intelligent, and speaks 
English the best, of any in the tribe. Neptune, he, and 
two other captains were inducted into office at the same 
time Aitteon was, and with the same ceremonies. 



INDIAN TRIBES IN NEW ENGLAND. 



BY WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON. 



To Rev. Tkaddeus M. Harris, S. T. D., Corresponding Secretary 
&f iftp M(is%arhiuiell& Historicnl Society 

Sir, —As the Indian tribes in New England will probably in 
length of time become extinct, I have thought any facts in relation 
to them would be interesting to the curious and critical antiquarian ; 
therefore I have penned the following sketches, which. I submit to your 
disposal. Yours, most respectfully. 

WILLIAM D. WILLIAMSON. 

Bangor , April 15, 1S39. 



At the present period, there are three tribes of Eastern 
Indians remaining, that still retain their individual clan- 
ship and community of character. These are the Tarra- 
tines, on the Penobscot ; the Openangos* at Passamaquod- 
dy ; and the Marechiles, on the river St. John. The mod- 
ern names by which they are called are taken from the 
respective waters where they are resident. For more 
than thirty years, the writer of this sketch has had some 
particular knowledge of these tribes, and with several in- 
dividuals, especially of the Tarratines, he has had a per- 
sonal acquaintance. 

According to their own traditions, in which they all 
agree, they proceeded from the same stock, and were 
originally, as they state the fact, children of the same 
parents;" — the Tarratines being the eldest, the Mare- 

* There is some doubt if " Openadyo " be the original name of this tribe. 



Indian Tribes in New England. 9.5 

chites next, and the Openangos the youngest. They 
all speak the same language; and it is manifestly true 
that their brotherhood is always what they profess it to be, 
uniform and unchanging. Each tribe lias its own saga- 
more, sachem, and counsellor-captains; yet in neither are 
these functionaries inducted into office without the pres- 
ence and aid of a delegation from the other two tribes. 
Not only in this particular, but also in all former wars 
and treaties with the English, they have always acted in 
concert. It may be owing to this policy, principally, that 
these tribes have outlived all the others of New England. 
Before this country was visited by the Europeans, it is 
believed that the sagamore and sachem, the first and 
second in authority, came to their offices bv hereditary 
right. But so far back as any facts about it have been 
known by the white people, their officers have severally 
been elective. They say, the male Indians of a tribe are 
voters in elections, who are twenty years old and upwards, 
each giving his vote for or against a candidate viva voce, 
in the Indian words, chu-ee, yes, or awi-tah, no. On 
these occasions, party spirit often runs high ; aspirants 
have their zealous and active adherents ; and election- 
eering is carried on with the address common among people 
more civilized. For the ancient appellations of Sagamore 
and Sachem, are substituted, in modern times, Governor 
and Lieutenant-governor, borrowed unquestionably from 
the English. 

The chiefs, who have been at the head of the Tarra- 
tine tribe since 1816, are John Aitteon, governor, John 
Neptune, lieutenant-governor. But unhappily the tribe 
has, for several years, been divided into two parties, — origi- 
nally and principally occasioned by a quarrel between those 
chieftains, the latter having been suspected by the for- 
mer of seducing his wife. The whole tribe took sides 
with the one or the other ; and therefore their councils 
at times have been much distracted. Aitteon is of a 
placid disposition, manifestly indicated by a bluish eye 
and a smiling countenance. In stature, he is tall, straight, 
and well proportioned ; and in intellect, in knowledge of 
business, and in ability to speak English, he holds a place 
inferior to several others. It is supposed he is not an un- 



94 Indian Tribes in New England 



a 



mixed native, — perhaps a half-breed. But Neptune is 
unquestionably a pristine, full-blooded Indian. He is of 
a copper color ; — in person stout, thick set, with broad 
shoulders, large face, high cheek-bones, small mouth, and 
black, sparkling eyes. His understanding, intelligence, 
and shrewdness are of the first order. He is very col- 
lected in his deportment, and always carries with him an 
air of authority. Such, in short, are his native peculiari- 
ties, that a limner has without reward painted his por- 
trait for exhibition. He is altogether superior to Aitteon 
in every thing, except in character. For he is said to be 
the most lascivious Indian there ever was in the tribe. 
He had the address, after a time, to make peace with 
Aitteon for the injury mentioned ; and subsequently 
their councils have not been divided. The Indians say, 
he is arbitrary and self-willed, makes to^ free with ardent 
spirits, and has ten or a dozen bastard pappooses. Hence 
his personal conduct and some of his official measures 
have occasioned him many foes, among whom are several 
of the likeliest Indians in the tribe. Since Aitteon became 
reconciled to him, and has generally agreed with him in 
the measures pursued, they have, among the tribe, both 
been subjects of the same dislike and opposition. 

The disaffected part of the tribe, therefore, during the 
last summer (1838), consulted with the tribes at St. John 
and Passamaquoddy ; and finding the latter one generally 
opposed to John Neptune, concluded to attempt a new 
choice of the chief officers. For this purpose, the month 
of August was appointed ; and accordingly there arrived 
at Old town, in due time, two delegations, one of twelve 
from the river St. John, and the other of twenty-one from 
Passamaquoddy. 

Of the former tribe, there were several of the principal 
men. 1. Joseph Francis, who is the lieutenant-govern- 
or, a very likely, intelligent man, much disposed to do 
right. To make himself and his tribe fully acquainted 
with the difficulties at Oldtown, he and his brother, 
Nicholas Francis, with three, others, took a journey from 
home to that place, the preceding spring, travelling the 
whole distance in their canoes. 2. Francis Sov"-eo, of 
twenty-two years, was quite an energetic, considerate, 



Indian Tribes in New England. 95 

well disposed Indian. His father, Francis Tomer, the 
governor, being an old man between sixty and seventy years 
of age (as they said), sent his beloved son to act in his 
stead, and be received as bis substitute. 3. Captain To- 
mer was the governor's son-in-law, who was " to assist 
in the same business." 4. JYewell Gov-leet brought the 
belt of wampum, — this being always produced and pre- 
sented on such occasions, as a renewed testimony of their 
unchanging brotherhood and attachment, 5. Soc O'Bear 
was a captain of good appearance, and of considerable con- 
sideration among them. 6. Joseph Turkic called himself 
captain, — a man of pride and energy. It is true, he had 
been such prior to last Christmas, they said, when his 
captainship was disowned, because he did things that 
displeased the tribe. Tomar Wallis, Louce Tomar, and 
four nt^°r c: ' fomnpH thfi rl^lpn-pt ;/-»»■) 4Yom *r>o TVTnrf>r» hitr»c 

From the other [Openango ?] tribe, there were several 
distinguished Indians. 1. Newell jYeptunc, said to be thirty- 
five years old, but appeared much younger, was the lieu- 
tenant-governor, — a place he had holden twelve years. His 
countenance and conduct were both great! v in his favor, 
— he being thoughtful, discreet, taciturn. Though pleas- 
ant, he was sedate ; and though he could speak English, 
he said very little, but what he did say was always to the 
point and purpose. His manners were both modest and 
manly ; and his observing yet softened eye gave abun- 
dant, evidence of superior intellect ; — in a word, all these, 
with his beauties of person, rendered him the best appear- 
ing Indian ever seen in this quarter. Sabbalis Neptune, 
fifty-three years old, was the senior counsellor-captain, and 
chief speaker of the tribe. He said he had been such 
twelve years. He speaks good English, and is very open- 
hearted, communicative, and quite decided. He appeared 
to have great influence among the Indians, especially those 
of his own tribe. In fact, his lean face, his brilliant, 
searching eyes, and bis deep-thinking mood, testify large - 
sly in favor of his intellect and good sense. Of those op- 
posed to John Neptune, he was foremost. lie said they 
had been troubled in no small degree with their own 
governor. As he told the story, — " After their good old 
governor, Francis Joseph, died, about five years past, they 



96 Indian Tribes in New England 



o 



made John Francois, two years afterwards, governor in his 
stead. lie was then about forty-five years old, and a chief 
of good promise. But he was very full of temper. Three 
or four moons ago, the lire in his heart was very hot. 
He then threw down his belt and medals, the signs of his 
office, and said, You have me for governor no longer. Very 
quick, he brings ail old writings from General Washington 
and papers from the State, and fling them down too, very 
hard. Our lieutenant-governor then takes them up, and 
keeps them safely. His squaw 7 s a very bad woman ; a 
bad wife always makes a bad sanup [husband] worse." 
He said his tribe had only six counsellors; — four besides 
himself being present. These were JVicholar jYeplune, 
Solomon Francis, son of the old governor, To-mollou-ey, 
and Peter Joseph Lou-ey. 

On the day agreed upon for "making" new governors, 
as they call it, being Friday, August 31 (1038), early in 
the forenoon, there was hauled up to the top of the island- 
standard, which is tall and stately as a first-rate liberty- 
pole, a great, spreading flag, on which was a large red 
crucifix, cut from scarlet broadcloth, the perpendicular 
piece being four or five feet in length, and four inches in 
breadth, and the horizontal cross-piece, towards the top, 
two feet long or more. The other party, under Neptune 
and Aitteon, raised an opposition standard equallv high, 
which displayed at its head a flag as large or larger than 
the other, with this difference only ; — on the perpendicu- 
lar of this crucifix there were two crosses, one towards 
the bottom, as well as one towards the top of it. 

Under these banners, the Indians all assembled in the 
" Great Wigwam," called, on this occasion, the Camp, 
with the exception, however, of several Tarratines, who 
chose by their absence to avoid the controversy. All the 
others, who w r ere old enough to vote, sat together; and 
the respective delegations were severally seated by them- 
selves on the right and left, at the head of the assemblage. 
With all the gravity and self-command of a Roman sena- 
tor, John Neptune rose and addressed all present in a 
short speech of pure vernacular. As it was not fully 
understood at the time by the English spectators, a few T 
only of the sentiments, as afterwards interpreted by him, 
in the concise sentences uttered, can be given. 



Indian Tribes in New England. 97 

" Brothers : — We boldly come here; we face the 
storm ; we fear not ; for our hearts are firm as rocks that 
never move. Shall Neptune and his Indians give place 
to bold words ? Shall he say, Come, take his rights and 
power away? No,- — never; for quite twenty-two years 
ago, he and Aitteon were made governors for life; 'ay, fur 
life. This is the usage for ever of Indians ; our fathers 
always tell us so ; all those good brothers know it well. 
Yes, — some of 'em here present, from St. John and 'Quod- 
dy^ help make 'em governors then, in this same camp. All 
we remember it. The sun was bright that day ; friend- 
ship warmed every heart. The trees of our woods were 
all green. Now, enemies work. A breach is made near 
us. The storm beats through, hard upon our heads. The 
night is dark. Will brothers turn bears, to tear us in 
pieces ? Come they here to dig our graves before we 
die ? Then is our end come. Soon will white men push 
us all off, to drown. The Great Spirit sees it. His eye 
is in every star. He knows all things. Yes, he knows 
John Neptune has the soul of his father, never afraid. 
He never will turn his back to fighters, brothers or bears. 
He is sachem for life.' 1 '' 

The only reply was from Sab bat is Neptune, who 
spake with more fluency, though with less force. " Broth- 
ers : — Good sagamores be morning stars. They make 
their Indians glad. Every thing happy rests content. No 
change is wanted then. They groan, that have pains. 
We come here, a great way from home, to hear what our 
brothers speak of John Neptune, and his party friends. 
Many say, he drinks a great deal of strong water. Then 
his words be very loud; his eyes flash fire; he stamps 
on the ground very hard. He is no more antler moose ; 
— he is Lunkson,* Loupcervier [the great catamount]. 
Now, then, he no see widows' tears, — he no hear orphans' 
cries. He is the moon, that often grows larger, then 
smaller. For sometimes he loves his Indians very much ; 
by 'nd by, he don't love 'em so much. No, no, — he 
love 'em best some woman-kind, — not his own squaw. 
Does he kill 'em deer, bear, raccoon, and feed 'em 

* Indiana say, this means " all one, taU-detH" 
VOL. IX. 13 



98 Indian Tribes in JYew England. 

unlawful children he makes? Not half. Well, his In- 
dians say, We have him ' sachem ' no longer. They 
want a good governor, like old Orono ; — to speak wis- 
dom, — to show -'em good works. Such one is governor 
for life. Not so the bad one. When his heart be very 
wicked, his walk crooked, 't is right to leave him. We 
obey the Great Spirit, because he is good. Aitteon 
and Neptune are joined together; we no fear to speak; 
— -we leave them together; we say amen." 

Hence it was determined to proceed in the appointed 
business of the day. Solomon Francis, being designated 
to tell the votes, took them, and pronounced them to stand 
thus for the new governor, viz. 

For Tomar Soc Alexis, — of his own tribe, 43 votes. 
The Openangos gave him . , . 2] " 

The Marechites gave him ... 5 " 



In all 69 

Aitteon, son of old 'Squire John Osson, (not a relative 
of John Aitteon,) had the same number of votes for lieu- 
tenant-governor ; when they both, and also seven cap- 
tains, having a like vote, were all pronounced chosen 
according to the usages of the tribes. 

For Aitteon and Neptune, severally, the 

votes from their own tribe were 36 

From the Marechites .... 6 



42 
of which six, four were given by the lieutenant-govern- 
or, his brother, Soc O'Bear, and Turkle. The Openan- 
gos gave for them not one vote. It was also said, that 
twelve of the thirty-six were given by youngsters under the 
age of twenty years, and ought not to be taken into the 
account. But inasmuch as theirs did not change the ma- 
jority, there was no discussion upon the subject. The 
triumphant party then proceeded to invest the new-chosen 
functionaries with their respective ensigns of office, in 
usual form;* the minority, with Aitteon and Neptune at 

* In Williamson's History of Maine, Vol. I., Chap. XIX., pp. 495 - 403, the par- 
ticulars of these ceremonies, in 171o, are given in detail; and therefore it is inex- 
pedient to repeat the account in this place. 



Indian Tribes in New England. 99 

their head, leaving the wigwam, with no other manifesta- 
tion of dislike, however, than looks of indignation. Nor 
would they afterwards, though specially requested, so much 
as speak to the 'Quoddy delegates. 

Though there were in this electioneering campaign much 
of party spirit, and though the feelings of most were 
considerably ruffled, both before and after it was over, 
the decorum noticeable in the assemblage during the de- 
bate and election is worthy of being imitated by any 
legislative body of a civilized people. There was per- 
fect order. Each speaker was attentively heard, without 
being interrupted ; and the business was transacted with- 
out noise. For several days, however, after the ceremo- 
nies, the parties were quite indignant towards each other. 
The flags were kept flying ; nor did the respective dele- 
gations immediately return home. Hence, the governor 
of the State, apprehensive of a high-handed quarrel among 
them, addressed to them a monitory letter, chiding their 
delay and urging their departure. This had its effect, 
probably; for they in a few days afterwards left Oldtown. 
Since that time, the old officers have been recovering their 
popularity; and it is believed they are still accredited as 
the chiefs of the tribe. Neptune has the wit, if he has 
the proper disposition, to reinstate himself pretty fully in 
the public favor, as his capabilities for government surpass 
those of every other Indian among them. 

The tribe are by no means poor. For they not only 
own the islands in Penobscot River, between Oldtown 
and the Forks, or confluence of the east and west branch- 
es, many of which are valuable; but the State, Decem- 
ber 31, 1833, owed them, for lands purchased, a debt of 
$60,800; also interest thereon amounting to $3,867; 
and an annuity of $2,107, to be paid them yearly as long 
as they shall exist in their collective capacity. Their an- 
nuities and other dues are usually paid by government to 
their chiefs. For the purpose, therefore, of distributing 
their moneys and subsidies equally, a census was carefully 
taken, March 1, 1837, of all the families, by name, in the 
tribe, with the number in each family annexed. At first, 
John Neptune, the lieutenant-governor, and two oi the 
captains, Pe'-ei Tomar and Francis Pe v -neis, presented a 



100 Indian Tribes in New England. 

list of all the family names, in Indian, affixing figures rep- 
resenting the number of souls in each one ; and then they 
interpreted every name into English. The original cata- 
logue was, in fact, made out by IV-el Tomar's son, who 
can read and write ; and when it was translated and finished, 
it was duly certified under a notarial seal. According to 
this census, taken with so much exactness, there were in 
the w T hole tribe ninety-five families and three hundred and 
sixty-two souls. There are probably as many at the pres- 
ent time. 

Note. — The legislature of the State, in their late 
session, took so much notice of what was done at Old- 
town in August last, as to pass an act, March 16th, 1839, 
by which the tribe are authorized to elect biennially from 
among themselves a governor and lieutenant-governor, 
to hold their offices for two years, and till others their suc- 
cessors be elected; — who are to have all the powers and 
privileges appertaining " by usage and custom " to them 
in their functionary capacities. In order to effect an 
election, the selectmen of Orono are directed to take a 
census of all the male Indians of the tribe, who are 
twenty-one years of age ; and on the first Monday of Au- 
gust next, and every alternate year, at Oldtown, receive 
from all that are present their votes viva voce, sever- 
ally, for those officers, — -a- majority to be declared an 
election : Provided, however, the said tribe do, on the day 
of the next August election, first adopt this legislative 
enactment for their future guidance and direction. 



QUEEN ANNE'S INSTRUCTIONS TO GOVERN 
OR DUDLEY IN 1702. 



From the Original Manuscript, given to the Massachusetts 
Historical Society by Robert C, Winthrop. 



ANNE R. Instructions for Our Trusty and Welbe- 
loved Joseph Dudley Esq r Our Captain Gen- 
eral! and Governor in Chief in and over Our 
Province and Territory of the Massachusets 
Bay in New England. Given at Our Court 
atS 1 James's the Sixth day of Aprill 1702 
In the First Yeare of Our Reigne. 

With these Our Instructions you will Receive Our Com- 
mission under the Great Seal of England, Constituting 
you Our Captain General and Governour in Chief in and 
over Our Province of the Massachusets Bay, and Like- 
wise Our Captain Generall and Commander in Chief of 
the Militia and of all the Forces by sea and Land, within 
Our Colonies of Rhode Island, Providence Plantation and 
the Naraganset Country or Kings Province in New Eng- 
land, and of all Our Forts and places of Strength within 
the same. 

You are therefore to fit t yourself with all convenient 
Speed, and to repair to Our said Province of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay, and being arrived there, you are to take 
upon you the Execution of the Place and Trust Wee have 
reposed in you, and forthwith to call together the Mem- 
bers of Our Councill in that Province. 

You are with all due and usual Solemnity to cause Our 



;"RkY 



102 Queen Anne's Instructions to Governor Dudley. 

said Commission to be published at the said Meeting, and 
Notification to be also given to Our Colonies of Rhode 
Island, Providence Plantation, and the Naraganset Country, 
of the Power wherewith you are intrusted concerning the 
Militia, Forces, and Forts within Our said Colonies and 
Country as aforesaid. 

You shall your self take, and also administer unto each 
of the Members of Our said Council, as well the Oaths 
appointed by Act of Parliament to be taken instead of the 
Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, as also the Test to- 
gether with an Oath for the due Execution of your and 
their places and Trusts, as well with regard to the equal 
and Impartiall Administration of Justice in all causes that 
shall come before you as otherwise, And likewise the Oath 
required to be taken by Governours of Plantations to do 
their utmost that the Laws relating to the Plantations be 
Observed ; And both you and they shall also Subscribe the 
Association mentioned in a late Act of Parliament Inti- 
tuled Jin Act for the better Security of his Majestys Royal 
Person and Government: 

You are to Communicate forthwith unto Our said Coun- 
cil!, such and so many of these Our Instructions, wherein 
their Advice and Consent are mentioned to be requisite, 
as likewise all such others, from time to time, as you 
shall find Convenient for Our Service to be imparted to 
them. 

You are to permitt the Members of Our said Councill 
of the Massachusetts Bay to have and Enjoy Freedom of 
Debate and Vote in all Affairs of Publick Concern that 
may be debated in Councill. 

You are from time to time to send to Us by one of Our 
Principal Secretaries of State, and to Our Commissioners 
for Trade and Plantations, the Names and Qualities of the 
Members appointed to be of Our said Council, by the first 
Conveniency after such appointment. 

And in the Choice and Appointment of the Members 
of Our said Council, as also of the Principal! Officers, 
Judges, Justices, Sheriffs and others, You are always to 
take care that they bo Men of Good Life, and well affect- 
ed to Our Government and of good Estates and Abilities, 
and not necessitous People, or much in Debt. 



Queen Jlnne^s Instructions to Governor Dudley, 103 

You are hereby Authorized to use the Publick Seal ap- 
pointed or to be appointed by Us for the Sealing of all 
things whatsoever that shall pass t the Seal of Our said 
Province under your Government. 

You are to take Care that all Writs be Issued in Our 
Royal Name throughout Our said Province. 

You are to Observe in the passing of Laws that the 
Stile of Enacting the same be by the Governor, Council, 
and Assembly &; no other. 

You are also as much as Possible to Observe the passing 
of all Laws, that whatever may be requisite upon each 
different matter be accordingly provided for by a different 
Law, without intermixing in one and the same Act, such 
things as have no proper relation to each other, And you 
are more especially to take care, that no Clause or Clauses 
be inserted in or annexed to any Act, which shall be 
Forreign to what the Title of such respective Act Imports. 

You are to transmitt Authentick Copies under the Pub- 
lick Seal, of all Lawes, Statutes, and Ordinances that are 
now made and in force, which have not yet been sent, or 
which at any time hereafter shall be made and Enacted 
within Our said Province under your Government and 
Command, each of them seperately under the Publick 
Seal, unto Us, and to Our said Commissioners for Trade and 
Plantations, within three Months, or by the first Oppor- 
tunity after their being Enacted, together with Duplicates 
thereof by the next Conveyance upon Pain of Our high- 
est displeasure, and of the Forfeiture of that Yeare's 
Salary, wherein you shall at any time or upon any pre- 
tence whatsoever omit to send over the said Laws, Stat- 
utes and Ordinances as aforesaid, within the time above 
limited, as also of such other Penalty as Wee shall please 
to inflict : But if it shall happen that during time of Warr, 
no Shipping shall come from Our said Province within 
three Months after the makeing such Laws, Statutes and 
Ordinances, whereby the same may be transmitted as 
aforesaid, then the said Laws, Statutes and Ordinances 
are to be transmitted as aforesaid by the next Convey- 
ance after the makeing thereof, whenever it may happen 
for Our Approbation or Dissailowance of the same. 

And forasmuch as great prejudice may happen to Our 



104 Queen Jlnne^s Instructions to Governor Dudley, 

Service and the Security of Our said Province by your 
absence from those parts, without a Sufficient Cause and 
especial! Leave from Us, For the Prevention thereof, you 
are not upon any pretence whatsoever to come to Europe 
from your Government without haveing first obtained Leave 
for so doing from Us under Our Sign Manuall and Signet, 
or by Order in Our Privy-Councill. 

You are to take Care that in all Acts or Orders to be 
passed within that Our Province, in any Case for Levy- 
ing money, or imposeing Fines and Penalties Express men- 
tion be made, that the same is granted or Reserved to Us, 
Our Heirs and Successors for the Publick use of that Our 
Province, and the Support of the Government thereof, as 
bv the said Act or Order shall be Directed. 

Whereas it is Necessary that due Provision be made 
for uic Support of the Government ot Our said Province, 
by setting apart Sufficient allowances to you Our Captain 
General and Governour in Chief and to Our Lieutenant 
Governour or Commander in Chief for the time being re- 
sideing within the same, And Whereas Our said Province 
of the Massachusets Bay has not hitherto taken any man- 
ner of Care in that matter, though the like Provision be 
generally made in Our other Plantations in America which 
are under Our Immediate Government, notwithstanding 
that divers of them are much less able to do it ; You are 
therefore to propose to the Generall Assembly of Our said 
Province, and accordingly to use your utmost endeavours 
with them, that an Act be passed for Settling and Estab- 
lishing fixed Salaries upon your self and others Our Cap- 
tains Gen 11 that may Succeed you in that Government, as 
likewise upon Our Lieutenant Gov rs or Commanders in 
Chief for the time being, Suitable to the Dignity of those 
respective Offices. 

And you are also earnestly to recommend unto the As- 
sembly in Our Name, that care be taken by them for the 
building of a fit and Convenient House to receive you, 
and the Governor for the time being, which may be Ap- 
propriated to that Use. 

You are not to permit any clause whatsoever to be In- 
serted in any Law for Levying money or the Value of 
money, whereby the same shall not be made lyable to be 



Queen Anne's Instructions to Governor Dudley. 105 

Accounted for Unto Us here in England, and to Our 
Com" 5 of Our Treasury or Our high Treasurer for the 
time being. 

You are to take care that fair Books of Accounts of all 
Receipts and Payments of all such money be duly kept, 
and the truth thereof attested upon Oath, and that the 
said Bookes be transmitted every half yeare or oftener to 
Our Commissioners of Our Treasury, or High Treasurer 
for the time being, and to Our Comissioners for Trade and 
Plantations, and Duplicates thereof by the next Convey- 
ance ; In which Bookes shall be Specified every particular 
Sum raised or Disposed off together with the Names of 
the Persons to whom any Payment shall be made ; to the 
end Wee may be Satisfied of the Right and due Applica- 
tion of the Revenue of Our said Province. 

You are not to Sutter any Publick money whatsoever, 
to be Issued or Disposed of otherwise than by Warrant 
under your hand, by and with the Advice and Consent of 
Our said Council, But the Assembly may be Nevertheless 
permitted, from time to time to view and examine the 
Accounts of money or Value of money disposed of by 
Virtue of Laws made by them, which You are to Signify 
unto them, as there shall be Occasion. 

And it is Our Express will and Pleasure that no Law 
for raiseing any Imposition on Wines and other Strong 
Liquors, be made to Continue for Less than one whole 
Year, as also that all other Laws whatsoever, for the good 
Government 1 and Support of Our said Province be made 
Indifinite, and without limitation of time Except the same 
be for a Temporary end, and which shall Expire and have 
its full Effect within a Certain time. 

And therefore you shall not re-enact any Law which 
hath or shall have been once Enacted there, except upon 
very urgent Occasions ; But in no Case more then once 
without our Express consent. 

You shall not permit any Act or Order to pass in Our 
said Province, whereby the Price or Value of the Currant 
Money within your Government (whether it be Forreign 
or belonging to Our Dominions) may be Altered without 
Our Particular Leave or Direction for the same. 

And You are particularly not to pass any Law, or do 

VOL. IX. 14 



106 Queen Jlnne's Instructions to Governor Dudley. 

any Act by Grant, Settlement or otherwise, whereby Our 
Revenue may be Lessened or Impaired, without Our Es- 
peciall Commands therein. 

You are to take all Possible Care in the granting of 
any Lands within Our Province under your Government, 
not already disposed of, that such Limitations and Methods 
be Observed as may best tend to the Safety and due Im- 
provement of Our said Province. 

And Whereas Wee have been informed that Great 
Spoiles are daily Comitted in Our Woods in the Province 
of Main and other parts within your Government of the 
Massachusets Bay, by Cutting down and Converting to 
private Uses such Trees, as are or may be proper for the 
Service of Our Royal Navy ; And it being Necessary that 
all practices which tend so Evidently to deprive Us of 
Chose Supplies be effectually restrained; Our Will and 
Pleasure is, That upon Consideration of the Occasions of 
such Abuses, the Methods by which they are Carried on, 
and the Inconveniencies that attend them, You use your 
Indeavours with Our Councill and the Assembly of the 
Massachusetts Bay, to dispose them to pass Acts, for the 
better preventing the further Spoil of those Woods, and 
for preserving a Nursery of such Trees as may be usefull 
for Our Service ; And in case you cannot prevail with 
them to pass Acts proper and Sufficient for those Purposes, 
that you send Over hither the Meads of such a Bill, as 
may be Effectuall for those Ends, and fitt to be Enacted 
here. 

You shall not remitt any Fines or Forfeitures whatso- 
ever above the Sum of Ten pounds nor dispose of any 
Escheats Fines or Forfeitures whatsoever until! upon Sig- 
nifying to Our Commissioners of Our Treasury, Or Our 
High Treasurer for the time being, and to Our Commis- 
sioners for Trade and Plantations the Nature of the Of- 
fence, and the Occasion of such Fines Forfeitures or 
Escheats, with the particular Sums or value thereof (which 
you are to do with all Speed) You shall have Received 
Our directions therein ; But you may in the mean time 
suspend the payment of the said Fines and Forfeitures. 

In case any Goods money or other Estate of Pirates 
or Piratically taken, shall be brought in or found within 



Queen Anne^s Instructions to Governor Dudley. 107 

Our said Province of the Massachusetts Bay, or taken on 
board any Ships or Vessells, You are to Cause the same 
to be seized and Secured untill you shall have given Us 
an Account thereof, and Received Our Pleasure Concern- 
ing the Disposall thereof, But in Case such Goods or any 
part of them are perishable, the same shall be Publickly 
Sold and Disposed of, and the Produce thereof in like 
manner Secured 'till Our further Order. 

And Whereas Wee have been pleased to Grant Com- 
missions unto Severall Persons in Our Respective Planta- 
tions in America, for the Trying of Pirates in those parts 
pursuant to the Act for the more Effcctuall Suppression 
of Piracy ; And by a Commission already sent to Our 
Province of the Massachusets Bay, You (as Captain Gen- 
eral and Governour in Chief of Our said Province) are 
impoweied, together with others therein mentioned, iu 
proceed accordingly, in reference to Our said Province ; 
Our J fill and Pleasure is that in all matters relateing to 
Pirates, You Govern your self according to the intent of 
the Act and Commission aforementioned ; But Whereas 
Acessories in Cases of Piracy beyond the Seas, are by the 
said Act left to be Tryed in England, according to the 
Statute of the 28 th of King Henry the VIII th , We do 
hereby further Direct and Require You to send all such 
Accessories in Cases of Piracy in Our foresaid Province, 
with the Proper Evidences that you may have against 
them, into England, in Order to their being Tryed here. 

You are to require the Secretary of Our said Province 
for the time being to furnish you with Transcripts of all 
such Acts and Publick Orders as shall be made from time 
to time, together with Copies of the Journalls of the 
Councill and Assembly to the end the same may be 
transmitted unto Us and to Our Commissioners for Trade 
and Plantations, as above Directed, which he is duly to 
perform upon pain of Incurring the Forfeiture of his Place. 

Y'ou shall Transmitt unto Us and to Our Commissioners 
for Trade and Plantations by the First opportunity a Map 
with the Exact description of the whole Territory under 
your Government, with the Severall Plantations upon it, 
and of the Fortifications, And you are likewise to use your 
best Endeavours to procure a good Map to be Drawn oi 



108 Queen Anne's Instructions to Governor Dudley. 

all the Indian Country in the Neighborhood of Our Plan- 
tations in those parts, marking the names of the Severall 
Nations (as they call themselves and are called by the 
English and French) and the Places where they inhabit, 
and to transmitt the same in like manner. 

You are likewise to send a List of all Officers Ini- 
ployed under your Government together with all Publick 
Charges, and an Account of the present Revenue with 
the Probability of the Increase or Diminution thereof un- 
der every Head or Article. 

You are to Transmit unto Us and to Our Commis- 
sioners for Trade and Plantations, with all Convenient 
Speed, A Particular Account of all Establishments of Ju- 
risdictions, Courts, Offices, and Officers, Powers Author- 
ities, Fees and Privileges Granted or Settled within Our 
swiH Province to the End yen may Receive Our further 
Directions therein. 

You shall Likewise take Especiall Care with the Advice 
and Consent of Our said Council to regulate all Salaries 
and Fees belonging to places, or paid upon Emergencies, 
that they be within the bounds of Moderation, and that 
no Exaction be made upon any Occasion whatsoever, As 
also that Tables of all Fees be publickly hung up in all 
Places where such Fees are to be paid, And you are to 
transmitt Copies of all such Tables of Fees to Us, and to 
Our Commissioners for Trade and Plantations as aforesaid. 

Whereas it is very necessary for Our Service that there 
be an Attorney General appointed and Settled who may 
at any time take care of Our Rights and Interest within 
Our said Province You are with all Convenient Speed to 
Nominate a fitt Person for that Trust. 

You are to permitt a Liberty of Conscience to all Per- 
sons (except Papists) so they be contented with a Quiet 
and Peaceable Enjoyment of the same, not giving offence 
or Scandall to the Government. 

You are to take care that Drunkeness and Debauchery 
Swearing and Blasphemy be discountenanced & Pun- 
ished, and that none be admitted to Publick Trusts and 
Imployments in Our said Province under Your Govern- 
ment whose ill Fame and Conversation mav occasion Scan- 
dal. 



Queen dtnne*$ Instructions to Governor Dudley. 1 09 

You shall Administer or Cause to be Administred the 
Oaths appointed by Act of Parliament to be taken instead 
of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy as also the 
Test to the Members and Officers of Our Council 1 and 
Assembly and to all Judges, Justices and all other persons 
that hold any office or place of Trust or Profitt in Our 
said Province whether by Virtue of any Patent under Our 
Great Seal of England, or Our Seal of the Massachusets 
Bay, or otherwise, and likewise require them to Subscribe 
the forementioned Association ; Without which you are 
not to admit t any person whatsoever into any Publick 
Office, nor Suffer those that have been admitted formerly 
to Continue therein. % 

You shall send an Account to Us, and to Our Commis- 
sioners for Trade and Plantations of the present Number 
vi Planters and Inhabitants, Men, Women and Children, 
as well Masters as Servants, Free and Unfree, and of the 
Slaves in Our said Province as also a yearly Ace 1 of the 
Increase or Decrease of them, and how many of them are 
fitt to bear Arms in the Militia of Our said Province. 

You shall also Cause an Exact Ace 1 to be kept of all 
Persons born, Christened and Buried, And You shall yearely 
send fair Abstracts thereof to Us and to Our Commis- 
sioners for Trade and Plantations as aforesaid. 

You are to take Care that no Mans life, Member, Free- 
hold or Goods be taken away or harmed in Our said Prov- 
ince under Your Government, otherwise then by Estab- 
lished and known Laws, not repugnant to, but as much 
as may be agreable to the Laws of England. 

You shall take care that all Planters and Christian Ser- 
vants be well and fitly provided with Arms and That they 
be listed under good Officers, and when and as often as 
shall be thought fit, Mustered and Trained, whereby they 
may be in a better readiness for the Defence of Our Prov- 
ince under Your Government, And You are to Use your 
utmost Endeavours, that Such Planters do each of them 
keep such a Number of White Servants, as by Law is 
directed, and that they Appear in Arms at all such times 
as they shall be required. 

You are to take Especiall care that neither the Fre- 
quency nor unreasonableness of remote Marches Musters 



110 Queen Anne's Instructions to Governor Dudley. 

and Trainings, be an unnecessary Impediment to the 
Affairs of the Inhabitants. 

You shall not upon any Occasion whatsoever Establish 
or put in Execution any Articles of Warr, or other Law 
Martial, upon any of Our Subjects, Inhabitants of Our 
said Province without the Advice and Consent of Our 
Council there. 

And Whereas there is no Power given you by Your 
Commission to Execute Martial Law in time of Peace, 
upon Soldiers in pay and that Nevertheless it may be 
Necessary that some Care be Taken for the Keeping of 
good Discipline amongst Those that Wee may at any time 
think fitt to send into Our said Province (which may prop- 
erly be Provided for by the Legislative Power of the same) 
You are therefore to recommend unto the general As- 
sembly of Our said Province, that (if not already done) 
they prepare such Act or Law for the Punishing of Mutiny, 
Desertion and false Musters and for the Better Preserving 
of Good Discipline amongst the said Soldiers, as may 
best Answer those ends. 

And Whereas upon Complaints that have been made 
unto Us, of the Irregular proceedings of the Captains of 
some of Our Ships of Warr, in the pressing of Seamen 
in Several of Our Plantations; Wee have thought fitt to 
Order, and have given Direction to Our Lord High Ad- 
miral! accordingly, That when any Captain or Commander 
of any of Our Ships of Warr in any of Our said Planta- 
tions shall have Occasion for Seamen to Serve on Board 
Our Ships under their Command, they do make their Ap- 
plication to the Governors and Commanders in Chief of 
Our Plantations respectively, to whom as Vice Admiralls 
Wee are pleased to Commit the Sole power of Impressing 
Seamen in any of Our Plantations in America, or in sight 
of any of them ; You are therefore hereby required upon 
such Application made to You, by any of the Commanders 
of Our said Ships of Warr within Our foresaid Province 
under Your Government, to take care that Our said Ships 
of Warr be furnished with the Number of Seamen, that 
may be Necessary for Our Service on board them, from 
time to time. 

You are to Demand an Ace 1 from all Persons Con- 



Queen Jlnne^s Instructions to Governor Dudley. 1 1 1 

corned, of the Arms Ammunition and Stores sent to Our 
said Province under Your Government from Our Ofiice of 
Ordnance here, as likewise what other Armes, Ammuni- 
tion and Stores have been bought with the Publick Money 
for the Service of Our said Province, and how the same 
have been employed, and if any, how many of them have 
been sold, Spent, Lost, decayed or Disposed of, and to 
whom, and to what Uses. 

You shall take an Inventory of all Arms, Ammunition 
and Stores remaining in Any of Our Magazines or Garri- 
sons within Our said Province and Territory, and Trans- 
mitt an Account of them forthwith after your Arrival, and 
the like Account yearely to Us and to Our Commissioners 
for Trade and Plantations. 

You are to take Especiall Care that fitt Store Houses 
be Settled throughout Our said Province for receiveing and 
keeping of Armes Ammunition and other Publick Stores. 

Whereas it is Absolutely Necessary that We be exactly 
Informed of the State of Defence of all Our Plantations 
in every respect, and more especially with relation to the 
Forts and Fortifications that are in each Plantation, and 
what more may be Necessary to be Built for the Defence 
and Security of the same, You are so soon as Possible 
after Your Arrival in your Government to prepare an /Vc- 
count of the State of Defence thereof in the most par- 
ticular manner, and to transmit the same to Us, and to 
Our Commissioners for Trade and Plantations and the 
like Accounts afterwards Yearly, in Order to Our Exact 
Information therein from time to time. 

And Whereas Wee have been Constantly at Great 
Charge in Sending thither and Maintaining Ships of Warr 
to Cruize upon the Coasts of that Province, in Order to 
their Protection against Enemys by Sea, and have also 
lately been graciously pleased upon the Desire of Our 
Council and the General Assembly to Assist them in this 
Conjuncture with Stores of War from Our Office of Ordi- 
nance here You are therefore the more earnestly to require 
and Press Our said Council and the Assembly Vigorously 
to Exert themselves in Fortifying all Places necessary for 
the Security of Our Said Province by land, more es- 
pecially in rebuilding that Important Fort at Pemaquid, 



112 Queen Anne^s Instructions to Governor Dudley, 

which they too easily Suffered to be taken and Demolished 
by the French Dureing the iate War, and in Providing 

what elsse may be Necessary in all respects for their further 
Defence, In Order whercunto You are also to cause a 
Survey to be made of all the Considerable Landing Places 
and Harbors within Our said Province and with the Ad- 
vice of Our said Council, to Erect in any of them such 
Fortifications as shall be necessary for their Security and 
Advantage. 

In Case of any Distress of any other of Our Planta- 
tions, you shall upon Application of the respective Govern- 
ours thereof, to You, Assist them with what Aid the 
Condition and Safety of your Government can permit ; 
and more especially in Case Our Province of New York 
be at any time Invaded by an Enemy, You are to call 
upon Our Council! and the General Assembly ot the 
Massachusets Bay to make good in Men (or money in 
lieu thereof) their Quota of Assistance according to the 
Repartition formerly sent thither ; Assureing them that in 
Case of the Like Invasion of the Province of the Massa- 
chusets Bav, they will be mutually assisted from New 
York. 

You are from time to time to give an Account, as be- 
fore directed, what Strength Your Neighbors have (be 
they Indians or others) by Sea and Land, and of the Con- 
dition of their Plantations and what Correspondance You 
do keep with them. 

And Whereas by Our Commission for the Government 
of Our said Province of the Massachusets Bay, Wee have 
given you all the Powers and Authorities of any Captain 
Generall over Our Colonies of Rhode Island, Providence 
Plantation and the jYarraganset Country or Kings Prov- 
ince, Our Royal Pleasure and Intention is, That in time 
of Peace the Militia within each of the said Colonies be 
left to the Government and Disposition of the respective 
Governours of the same : But so as that nevertheless in 
Case of Apparent Danger, or other Exigency, You do at 
all times take upon your Self the Superior Command of 
those Forces, as in the said Commission is Directed. 

And That W T ee may be the better Informed of the Trade 
of Our said Province You are to take especiall care that 



Queen Jlnne^s Instructions to Governor Dudley. 113 

due Entries be made in all Ports of Our said Province of 
all Goods and Commodities, their Species and Quantities, 
Imported and Exported from thence, with the Names Bur- 
den and Guns of all Ships Importing and Exporting the 
same, also the Names of their Commanders and likewise 
Expressing from and to what places the said Ships do 
come and go, a Copy whereof the Naval Officer is to fur- 
nish you with, and You are to Transmit the same unto 
Us as before directed, to the Commissioners of Our Treas- 
ury or Our High Treasurer for the time being, and to Our 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Quarterly, and 
Duplicates thereof by the next Conveyance. 

And Whereas Wee have been pleased to give Orders 
for the Commissionating of Fit Persons to be Vice Admi- 
ralls and Officers of Our Admiralty and Customes in Our 
js^x-pra)] Plantations in America And it is of Great Im- 
portance to the Trade of this Kingdom and to the Wel- 
fare of Our Plantations that Illegal Trade be every where 
Discouraged ; You are to give all due Countenance and 
encouragement to the said Officers of Our Admiralty and 
Customes in the Execution of their Respective Offices 
and Trusts. 

You are to Encourage the Indians upon all Occasions, 
so that they may Apply themselves to the English Trade 
and Nation rather than to any Other. 

You are to Suppress the Ingrossing of Commodities, as 
tending to the Prejudice of that freedom which Commerce 
and Trade ought to have, and to Settle such Orders and 
Regulations therein, with the Advice of Our said Conned 
as may be most Acceptable to the Generality of the In- 
habitants. 

You are to give all due Encouragement, and Invitation 
to Merchants and others, who shall bring Trade unto Our 
said Province, Or any Way Contribute to the Advantage 
thereof, and in Particular to the Royall African Company 
of England. 

And you are to take Care that there be no Tradeinu from 
Our said Province to any Place in Africa within the Char- 
ter of the Royall African Company otherwise then pre- 
scribed by the late Act of Parliament, Entituled, M Jet 
to Settle the Trade to Jfrica. 

VOL. ix. 15 



114 Queen *dnneh Instructions to Governor Dudley. 

You are not to Giant Commissions of Marque or Re- 

prizals against any Prince or State or their Subjects in 
Amity with Us, to any Person whatsoever without Our 
Especiall Command. 

You are lor the better Administration of Justice to en- 
deavour to gett a Law passed in the Assembly (if not 
already done) wherein shall be set the Value of Mens 
Estates, either in Goods or Lands, under which they shall 
not be Capable of Serving as Jurors. 

You shall endeavour to get a Law passed (if not already 
done) for the restraining of any Inhumane Severity, which 
by ill Masters or Overseers may be used towards their 
Christian Servants and their Slaves, and that Provision be 
made therein that the Wilfull Killing of Indians and Ne- 
groes may be Punished with Death, and that a fltt Pen- 
alt v be imposed for the maiming- of them. 

You are with the Assistance of the Councill and As- 
sembly to find out and Settle the best means to facilitate 
and Encourage the Conversion of Negroes and Indians to 
the Christian Religion. 

You are to recommend to the Council and Assembly, 
the raiseing of Stocks and Building Pubiick Workhouses 
in Convenient Places for the employing of poor and Indi- 
gent People. 

You are to propose an Act to be passed in the Assembly 
w r hereby the Creditors of Persons becoming Bankrupts in 
England, and haveing Estates in the Massachusets Bay, 
may be releived and Satisfied for the Debts owing to 
them. 

You are to take care by and with the Advice and As- 
sistance of Our said Council, That the Prison there if it 
Want reparation, be forthwith repaired and put into and 
kept in such a Condition as may Sufficiently Secure the 
Prisoners, that are or shall be there in Custody of the 
Provost Martial. 

And for as much as great Inconveniencies may arise by 
the Liberty of Printing within Our said Province, You are 
to Provide by all necessary Orders that no Person keep 
any Press for Printing, nor that any Book, Pamphlet or 
other Matters whatsoever be printed without your Especial 
leave and License first Obtained. 



Queen Jlnne*$ Instructions to Governor Dudley. 1 ] 5 

You are upon all Occasions to send unto Us by One of 
Our Principall Secretaries of State and to Our Commis- 
sioners for Trade and Plantations a particular Account of 
all vour Proceedings and of the Condition of Affairs within 
jour Government. 

You are from time to time to give unto Us and to Our 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations as aforesaid, an 
Account of the Wants and Defects of Our said Province, 
what Are the chief Products thereof, what New Improve- 
ments are made therein by the Industry of the Inhabitants 
or Planters, and what further Improvements you conceive 
may be made or Advantages gained by Trade, and which 
way wee may Contribute thereunto. 

If any thing shall happen which may be of Advantage 
or Security of Our said Province under your Government, 
which is not herein or by your Commission Provided for, 
Wee do hereby allow unto You with the Advice and Con- 
sent of Our said Council to take Order for the present 
therein, giveing to Us by One of Our Principal Secreta- 
ry s of State and to Our foresaid Commissioners for Trade 
and Plantations speedy Notice thereof, that so you may 
Receive Our Confirmation, if Wee shall Approve the same. 

Provided always and Our Will and Pleasure is That you 
do not by Colour of any Power or Authority hereby given 
you, Commence or Declare W'ar, without Our knowledge 
and particular Commands therein, Except it be against 
Indians upon Emergencies, wherein the Consent ol Our 
Council shall be had, and Speedy Notice thereof given 
unto Us. 

Whereas W r ee have been pleased by Our Commission 
to Direct that in Case of Your Death or xYbsence from 
Our said Province, and in Case there be at that time no 
Person upon the Place Commissionated or Appointed by 
Us to be Our Lieutenant Governor or Commander in 
Chief, the then present Council of Our foresaid Province 
of the Massachusets Bay shall take upon them the -Ad- 
ministration of the Government, & Execute Our said 
Commission, and the Several 1 Powers and Authorities 
therein Contained, in the Manner therein Directed it is 
Nevertheless. Our Express Will and Pleasure That in such 
Case the said Council shall forbear to pass any Acts but 
what are Immediately necessary for the Peace and We!- 



116 Queen Jiangs Instructions to Governor Dudley. 

fare of Our said Province, without Our particular Order 
for that Purpose. 

And Whereas the Lords Spiritual! and Temporall in 
Parliament upon Consideration of the Great Abuses prac- 
tised in the Plantation Trade, have by an humble Address 
Represented to the Late King of Glorious Memory the 
great Importance it is of, both to this Our Kingdom and 
to Our Plantations in America, that the many good Laws 
which have been made for the Government of the said 
Plantations and Particularly the Act passed in the Seaventh 
and Eighth Yeares of the late Kinirs Hei^n Entituled An 
Jlct for preventing Frauds and Reguiateing Abuses in the 
Plantation Trade, be Strictly Observed You are therefore 
to take Notice, That notwithstanding the many Good Laws 
made from time to time for preventing of Frauds in the 
Plantation Trade, it nevertheless manifest that great 
Abuses have been and Continue still to be practised to 
the Prejudice of the same, which abuses must needs arise 
either from the Insolvency of the Persons, who are ac- 
cepted for Security, or from the remissness or Connivance 
of such as have been or are Governours in the Several 
Plantations, who ought to take care that those persons 
who give Bond should be duely prosecuted, in Case of 
Nqn performance, Wee take the good of Our Plantations, 
and the Improvement of the Trade thereof by a Strict 
and Punctual observance of the Several! Laws in force 
concerning the same, to be of so great Importance to the 
Benefitt of this Our Kingdom and to the Advanceing of the 
Duties of Our Customes here, that if Wee shall be here- 
after informed that at any time there shall be any failure 
in the due Observance of those Laws within Our foresaid 
Province of the Massachusets Bay, by any Wilfull fault 
or Neglect on your Part, Wee shall look upon it as a breach 
of the Trust reposed in you by Us, which W T ee shall Pun- 
ish with the Loss of Your Place in that Government, and 
such further Marks of Our Displeasure, as Wee shall 
Judge reasonable to be inflicted upon you for Your Offence 
against Us, in a matter of this Consequence that W T ee now 
so particularly charge you with. 

By her Maj !e3 Command 
Manchester. 



NOTICE OF THE LIFE OF HON. LEVERETT 
SALTONSTALL. 



The late Hon. Leverett Saltonstall, an active member 
of the Historical Society, was born at Haverhill, in Massa- 
chusetts, on the 13th of June, 1783. He descended from 
ancestors who, through every period of the history of this 
State, from its earliest settlement, have been among its 
most eminent citizens and distinguished benefactors. His 
faihci ndS Dr. Nathaniel Saltonstall, a highly respectable 
physician. 

He was placed, in 1796, as a pupil in Phillips Exeter 
Academy, under the tuition of the learned Dr. Benjamin 
Abbot; among his contemporaries and associates were 
Daniel Webster, Joseph S. Buckminster, and Lewis Cass. 
He entered Harvard College in 1798, in a class unusually 
large, and distinguished for genius and ability; his in- 
tellectual faculties, his love of learning, and his diligence 
in his studies gave him a high literary rank as a scholar. 
In his early years, and through his whole life, he was ad- 
mired and beloved as a companion and friend. The pu- 
rity of his life and the firmness of his moral principles 
secured entire confidence ; the warmth of his affections, 
the generosity of his temper, the disinterestedness and 
frankness of his deportment, and the gayety of his heart, 
approaching; to hilarity, rendered him a favorite com- 
panion in social intercourse. 

He was admitted to the bar, in Essex County, in 1805, 
and commenced the practice of law at Haverhill ; he removed 
to Salem in 1806, and in a short time acquired extensive 
practice and high reputation by his ability, integrity, and 
learning. As an advocate, his eloquence was powerful, 
persuasive, and brilliant; it was the eloquence of the 
heart, — the sincere and cordial expression of the ardent 
feelings and deep emotions of a generous and noble na~ 



118 Notice of the Life of lion. Leverelt SaltonstalL 

ture. His voice was strong, melodious, clear, and flexible, 
and irresistibly attracted attention both in private conver- 
sation and in public debate. 

He was for many years an influential and leading mem- 
ber of the legislature of the State; he was elected a 
representative in 1814, and a senator in 1818, and was 
chosen President of the Senate. He loved and was proud 
of his native State, and was zealously devoted to the pro- 
motion of its interests. His efficiency in debate, and his 
enjoyment of the confidence of the members, enabled him 
to subdue prejudice and conciliate support in favor of 
many measures important to the public welfare. 

He was the first mayor of the city of Salem, and dis- 
charged with conscientious fidelity its arduous duties. 

Mr. Saltonstall was elected a representative in Con- 
gress in 1833, and was appointed in 1841 Chairman of 
the Committee of Manufactures, to whom was committed 
the arduous duty of arranging and adjusting a new tariff. 
It was a work of difficulty and magnitude, and was per- 
formed by him with patience, research, and untiring zeal. 
The report and bill which he presented in behalf of the 
Committee are proofs of his severe labors and of the value 
of his services. 

His public career was guided by rectitude and consci- 
entiousness. He was always ready for a struggle in a 
good cause, and was not indifferent to the approbation of 
the wise and good, — certamen virtutis et ambitio glorice, 
felicium hominum affectus. He zealously cooperated w 7 ith 
his friends or his party in the support of measures and 
policy that his judgment approved ; but, on several occa- 
sions, when measures were proposed by the party with 
which he usually acted, from the justice or expediency of 
which he dissented, he without reserve controverted and 
opposed them at the hazard of his popularity. Loyalty 
to party he deemed best proved by loyalty to truth and 
rectitude. He was inflexibly honest in public as well as 
in private life. 

He was a zealous and efficient supporter of all institu- 
tions of charity, learning, and religion. He was a sincere 
Christian ; his faith was firm, and founded on an enlight- 
ened and candid examination. 



Notice of the Life of lion, Levcrett Sallonstall. 119 

He cherished through life an ardent attachment to the 
schools and to the University in which he received his 
early education. The ingenuousness and manliness of his 
deportment in youth, and his diligence in his studies, won 
the favor ot his instructers ; through life, he enjoyed and 
reciprocated their friendship. It was a source of happi- 
ness to him frequently to revisit the scenes of his youth- 
ful education. In his will he bequeathed to Phillips Exe- 
ter Academy and to Harvard College testimonials of his 
gratitude and veneration. 

His private life was an example and illustration of the 
highest social and domestic virtues ; he was benevolent, 
hospitable, and bountiful to the poor. Descended from a 
long line of ancestors, eminent For their virtues and use- 
fulness, he emulated their excellence and reflected lustre 
on the brilliancy of the name. 

Mr. Saltonstall died on the 8th of May, 1845, at his 
residence in Salem. 



Ancestors of Hon. Leverett Saltonstall. 

The first of the name who emigrated to New England 
was Sir Richard Saltonstall. He was grandson of Gil- 
bert Saltonstall, of Halifax, in the West Riding of York- 
shire, in England, and son of Samuel Saltonstall. Sir 
Richard Saltonstall, who was Lord Mayor of London in 
1597, was the second son of Gilbert Saltonstall. 

Sir Richard Saltonstall, the son of Gilbert, was the first 
named associate of the six original patentees of the colo- 
ny of Massachusetts Bay, and was appointed the First As- 
sistant. On board the Arbella, while lying at Yarmouth, 
in the Isle of Wight, he, with Governor Wiuthrop and 
others, signed the " humble request of his Majesty's loyal 
subjects, the Governor and Company late gone For New 
England, to the rest of their brethren in and of the church 
oj England/' in which they take a tender and affecting 
le; ve of their native land, on their departure for their 
" poor cottages in the wilderness." They arrived at 
Salens in the Arbella, on the 12th of June, 1630, and 
brought with them the charter of Charles the First. 



120 Notice of the Life of Hon. Lever ett Saltonstall. 

On the 17th of June, Sir Richard Saltonstall, in company 
with Governor Winthrop, and other principal persons, left 
Salem and travelled through the pathless forest to Charles- 
town to select a place of settlement. The want of good 
water and of other conveniences induced several of the 
party to explore the neighbouring country. Some went 
over to Shawmut, now Boston; others proceeded north- 
ward by Charlestown neck to a place well watered on 
Charles River, where Sir Richard Saltonstall, with the 
learned Rev. George Phillips, and others, commenced a 
plantation, and called it Watertown. Johnson, an early 
historian, says, "This town began by occasion of Sir 
Richard Saltonstall, who, at his arrival, having some store 
of cattle and servants, they wintered in those parts." 
They entered into a liberal church covenant, July 30, 
1630, which is published by Dr. Mather* who adds, 
"About forty men, whereof the first was that excellent 
knight, Sir Richard Saltonstall, then subscribed this in- 
strument." 

He was present, as First Assistant, at the fir-t Court of 
Assistants, which was held at Charlestown, August 23d, 
1630, at which various orders and regulations were made 
concerning the planting and government of the infant colon v. 

The sufferings of those engaged in this new settlement 
in the wilderness were extreme the first winter, and Sir 
Richard Saltonstall became discouraged from remaining 
himself, but left his two elder sons. Governor Winthrop 
has recorded in his Journal, that, " March 29, 1631, he, 
with his two daughters and one of his younger sons, came 
down to Boston and stayed that night at the governor's, 
and the next morning, accompanied with Mr. Pierce and 
others, departed for their ship at Salem." 

Sir Richard Saltonstall through life continued to be the 
friend of the colony, and was actively engaged in pro- 
moting its prosperity. Two of his sons remained here, 
and he was interested as a large proprietor. When Sir 
Christopher Gardner attempted to injure the colony by 
misrepresentations, and on other similar occasions, — for 
Massachusetts was troubled in its infancy by false accusa- 
tions of enemies, — he rendered the colony efficient assist- 
ance, and interceded in its favor with the government at 
home. 



Notice of the Life of Hon, Lever ett Saltonstall. 121 

He was a Puritan, but of singular liberality in his re- 
ligious opinions ; he was offended at the bigotry of his 
associates, who, as soon as they were themselves tree from 
persecution, began to persecute others, and he addressed 
to Rev. Mr. Cotton and Rev. Mr. Wilson a letter on the 
subject, and remonstrated against this inconsistency. It is 
written with ability and in a catholic spirit, and has been 
reprinted and admired to this day. He says: — 

" Reverend and dear Friends, whom 1 unfeignedhj love 
and respect : — It doth not a little grieve my spirit to hear 
what sad things are reported daily of your tyranny and 
persecutions in New England, as that you fine, whip, and 
imprison men for their consciences. 

• . • • • • 

a T V>r»t-»o *7/->p An r»n+ occmno'^ to rnnicolvpc iirfal!iV*ilif v nf 

judgment, when the most learned of the apostles coniess- 
eth, he knew but in part, and saw but darkly as through 
a glass. O, that all these who are brethren, though they 
cannot think and speak the same things, might be of one 
accord in the Lord ! ,} 

This letter, written between 1645 and Woo, shows the 
lively interest he felt in the honor and welfare of the colony. 

Sir Richard Saltonstall was also one of the patentees 
of Connecticut, with Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, 
and others, and a principal associate with them in the 
first settlement of that colony. They appointed John 
Winthrop governor, and commissioned him to erect a fort 
at the mouth of Connecticut River. In 1635, Sir Richard 
Saitonstali sent over a bark with twenty laborers to take 
possession of land for him under his patent and to make 
settlements. 

In 1649, he was commissioned with others, by parlia- 
ment, for the trial of Duke Hamilton, Lord Capei, and 
the Earl of Holland, for high treason. They were con- 
demned and executed on a scaffold erected beiore West- 
minster Hall. 

Sir Richard Saltonstall has been justly styled "one of 
the fathers of the Massachusetts Colony.'' He was a 
patron of Harvard College, and left it a legacy in his will, 

vol. ix. 16 



122 Notice of the Life of Hon. Lever ett Sallonstall. 

made in 1658. There is a fine portrait of him in the 
possession of his descendants. He died soon after 1G58. 

Richard Saltonstall, son of Sir Richard, was horn in 
1 G 10, settled at Ipswich, and was chosen an Assistant in 
1637. He was a man distinguished for firmness and de- 
cision, attached to the principles of the New England 
government and churches, and an ardent friend to the 
liberty of the people. 

In 1642, he wrote a pamphlet against the Standing 
Council, a subject that caused much agitation through the 
colony. 

In 1645, he entered his protest against the introduction 
of ne^ro slavery. 

He was one of the few persons who knew where the 
regicide judges, Whalley and Goffe, were concealed, and 
in 1672 gave them fifty pounds. 

He was a relative and friend of John Hampden (grand- 
son of the celebrated parliamentary leader), who was 
distinguished in the time of Charles the Second and 
James the Second, and who joined in the invitation to the 
Prince of Orange* He, as well as his father, was a bene- 
factor of Harvard College. Dr. Mather records the name 
of Saltonstall among those benefactors of the College 
"whose names it would be hardly excusable to leave un- 
mentioned." All his male descendants in Massachusetts, 
except two, have been graduates at this college. 

Mr. Saltonstall was absent several years in England, 
where he had three daughters married. He returned to 
Massachusetts in 1680, and was again chosen the First 
Assistant, and also the two succeeding years. In 1683, 
he again visited England. He was an Assistant, except 
when he was in England, from 1687 till his death; he 
died at Hulme, April 20, 1694, and left an estate in York- 
shire. 

Henry Saltonstall, who was in the first class that 
was graduated at Harvard College, is said by Governor 
Hutchinson to have been a son or grandson of Sir Rich- 
ard Saltonstall. Like several other early graduates, he 
wait home after leaving college, and received a degree of 
Doctor of Medicine from Padua, and also from Oxford, 
and was a fellow of New College in that University. 



Notice of the Life of Hon. Leverett SallonslalL 123 

Nathaniel Saltonstall, son of Richard, and grand- 
son of Sir Richard, was graduated at Harvard College in 
1659, and settled in Haverhill, on the beautiful estate half 
a mile east of the bridge, still known as the "Saltonstall 
seat. 5 ' This spot, exceeded by none in -New England for 
fertility of soil and beauty of landscape, was with other 
land conveyed to him by the Rev. John Ward, the first 
minister of Haverhill, on the marriage of the daughter 
of Mrs. Ward to Nathaniel Saltonstall. 

He was chosen an Assistant in 1679. He took an ac- 
tive part in seizing and deposing the tyrannical royal 
governor, Sir Edmund Andros, and, after his removal, 
became one of the council of the revolutionary govern- 
ment, and so continued till the charter of William and 
Mary, and was then appointed one of his Majesty's coun- 
cil. His powers of mind were superior, and he was uee 
from the prevailing bigotry and fanaticism of the times. 
He was opposed to the proceedings against the witches, 
in 1692, and expressed his sentiments freely. Mr. Brat- 
tle, in his account of the witchcraft, says, — - " Major N. 
Saltonstall, Esq., who was one of the judges, has left the 
court, and is very much dissatisfied with the proceedings 
of it. 5 ' He died in 1707, and left three sons, Guidon, 
Richard, and Nathaniel. 

Gurdon Saltonstall, the eldest son of Nathaniel, 
was governor of Connecticut, and was celebrated for his 
extraordinary talents and extensive learning. Dr. Eliot 
says, " He was an oracle of wisdom to literary men of all 
professions." He was one of the greatest and best men 
New England has produced. He was a benefactor of Har- 
vard College. His widow bequeathed to it one thousand 
pounds, for the use of two students designed for the min- 
istry. He died in 1724. 

Richard Saltonstall, the second son of Nathaniel, 
was graduated in 1695; he resided in Haverhill, sustained 
several civil and military offices, and was an excellent and 
very respectable man. He died in 1714. 

Nathaniel Saltonstall, third son of Nathaniel, was 
also graduated in 1695, and was a tutor in the College. 
He died young, and left a high reputation for abilities 
and learning. 



124 Notice of the Life of Hon, Lever ett Saltonstall. 

Richard Saltonstall, son of the last named Richard, 
was born June 14, 1703, and graduated in 1722; at the 
age of twenty-three, he received the commission of colo- 
nel; and in 1738 he was appointed a judge of the Su- 
perior Court. In 1741, while the court was in session 
at York, the celebrated Rev. Samuel Moody wrote the 
following lines on the court: — 

" Lynde, Dudley, Remington, and Saltonstall, 
With Sewall, meeting in the judgment-hall, 
Make up a learned, wise, and faithful set 
Of godlike judges, by God's counsel met." 

Jud^e Saltonstall was a man of talents and learning. 
He was distinguished for generous and elegant hospitality, 
and for bountiful liberality to the poor. His address was 
polished, affable, and winning, his temper was gentle and 
jhpnpvolpp*" j$hq ^* p enroled the Icvc and esteem of all. 
He died in 1756, and left three sons and two daughters; 
one of the latter was married to Colonel George Watson, of 
Plymouth, and the other to Rev. Moses Badger, minister 
of the Episcopal Church at Providence. 

He had been married three times; his third wife was a 
daughter of the second Elisha Cooke, of Boston; — -the 
first Elisha Cooke had married the daughter of Gover- 
nor Leverett ; the second Elisha Cooke married a daugh- 
ter of Richard Middlecott, Esq., a wealthy and respecta- 
ble citizen of Boston. 

Elisha Cooke, senior, and Elisha Cooke, junior, w r ere 
distinguished for abilities and elevated character, and for 
forty years were popular leaders and champions of colo- 
nial rights and freedom ; they were both representatives 
from Boston, and by their influence swayed not only the 
people of Boston, but the General Court; both were at 
different times sent to England as agents of Massachu- 
setts,- — the first to obtain a restoration of the old char- 
ter, the other to oppose the royal governors. The first 
died in 1715, — the other in 1737, leaving a son, Middle- 
cott Cooke, and a daughter who became the third wife of 
Judge Richard Saltonstall. 

Nathaniel Saltonstall, who was graduated in 1727, 
was a brother of Judge Saltonstall He was a merchant, 
and died young. 



Notice of the Life of Hon. Leverett Saltonstall. 125~ 

Colonel Richard Saltonstall, eldest, son of Judge 
Richard by his first wife, was born April 5, 1732, and was 
graduated in 1751, with high reputation for scholarship, 
having had " the oration." In 1754, lie was commissioned 
as colonel of the regiment in Haverhill and vicinity, and 
was the fourth of the family in succession who held that 
office. He served with the provincial troops in the cam- 
paigns of 1756 and 1757, against Crown Point. At the 
capitulation of Fort William Henry, in 1757, when the 
Indians commenced the massacre of their unarmed pris- 
oners, he escaped into the forest, and a day or two after- 
wards reached Fort Edward, nearly exhausted by hunger 
and fatigue. After peace took place, he was sheriff of the 
county. At the Revolution, he was a Loyalist, and went 
to England. He died unmarried, at Kensington, October 
6, 1785, Wh^n he resided on the family p*t?io jn Haver- 
hill, he was highly respected and beloved for his benevo- 
lence, hospitality, courteousness, and integrity. His young- 
er brother, Leverett, third son of Judge Richard, was 
also a Loyalist; he died in 1782. 

The late Dr. Nathaniel Saltonstall, father of our 
fellow-citizen just deceased, was second son of Judge 
Richard Saltonstall, above mentioned, and of ?vFary, daugh- 
ter of the second Elisha Cooke. Dr. Saltonstall was born 
February 10, 1746. On the death of his lather, in 1756, 
he w T as received into the family of his maternal uncle, 
Middlecott Cooke, Esq., of Boston. Dr. S. was a dis- 
tinguished and skilful physician, and through life enjoyed 
the esteem and respect of his fellow-citizens. He loved 
tranquillity and retirement, and avoided the bustle and 
perplexities of public life. In 1780, he married Anna, 
daughter of Samuel White, Esq., whose ancestor was one 
of the early settlers of Haverhill in 1640. Through life 
she was distinguished for the gifts of her mind and the 
virtues of her heart. Dr. S. died May 15, 1815, and his 
widow in 1811. Their three sons, Leverett, Nathaniel, 
and Richard, are deceased ; of their four daughters, two 
are living, Anna, wife of James C. Merrill, Esq., of Bos- 
ton, and Sarah, wife of Isaac R. Howe, Esq., of Haverhill. 
The descendants of Dr. S. are the only descendants of 
the Cooke family and the Middlecott family. 



THE CHRISTIAN 



COMMONWEALTH: 

OR, 

THE CIVIL POLICY 

OF 

THE RISING KINGDOM OF JESUS CHRIST. 

WRITTEN 

BEFORE THE INTERRUPTION OF THE GOVERNMENT, 



By Mr. JOHN ELIOT, Teacher of the Church 
of Christ at Roxbury in New-England 



NOW PUBLISHED (AFTER HIS CONSENT GIVEN) BY A SERVOR 
OF THE SEASON. 



LONDON: 
Printed for LIVEWELL CHAPMAN, at the Crown in Pofes-Head-Allev. 



/a>2 

[The Christian Commonwealth is here reprinted from a transcript 
which Thomns Aspinwall, Esq., American Consul in London, caused 
to be made from a rare copy of the original edition, in his library, 
and presented to the Historical Society. 

The following extract from the Records of the General Court, Vol. 
IV., [). 370, will show the proceedings which took place it) this c io- 
ny in relation to this subject, after the restoration of King Charles the 
Second. 

At session of May £2, 1661. 

" This Court taking notice of a booke entituled Christian Comon- 
wealth, written, as is expressed in the said Booke by M r John Eliot 
of Roxbury in New England, which in sundry passages and expres- 
sions thereof is justly offensive and in speciall relating to kingly Gou- 
ernment in England, the which the said Mr Eliot hath also freely 
and fully acknowledged to this Court. Jt is therefore ordered by this 
Court and the Authority thereof, that the said Booke be totally sup- 
pressed and the Author's acknowledgment recorded ; and that all per- 
sons whatsoever in this Jurisdiction, that haue any of the said Bookes 
in theire Custody shall on theire perrills within fowerteene dayes after 
pnhjjpntinn hereof either cancel and deface the sarr.c or deliuer them 
vnto the next Magistrate or to the Secretary, whereby all farther 
divulgment and improovement of the said otTensiue Booke may be pre- 
vented. And it is further ordered, that Mr. Eliot's acknowledgment 
&. the Court's order for the calling in of those Bookes be forthwith 
transcribed by the Secretary and caused to be posted vp in Boston, 
Charlestowne, Cambridge, Salem and Ipswich, that so all persons 
concerned therein may take notice of theire duties and act accord- 
ingly. All which was done accordingly. 

" 'Mr. Eliot's acknowledgment, word for word. 

"'Boston this 24 of y e 3' mo. 1661. 

" ' Vnderstanding by an act of the honored Council, that there is 
offence taken at a booke, published in England by others, the copie 
whereof was sent ouer by myself about nine or term yeares since and 
that the further consideration the roof is commended to this honnored 
Generall Court now silting at Boston, Upon pcrvsall thereof I doe 
judge myself to haue offended St in way of satisfaction, not only to the 
Authority of this Jurisdiction, but also vnto any others, that shall take 
notice thereof, I doe hereby acknowledge to this honored Court. 

" ' Such expressions as doe too manifestly scandalize the Gouernment 
of England by King, Lords and Commons, as Antichristian, and justi- 
fy the late innovators, I doo sincerely beare testimony against, and 
acknowledge it to be not only a lawfull but an eminent forme of 
Gouernment. 

" '2. All formes of Ciuil Gouernment deduced from Scripture either 
expressely or by just consequence, I acknowledge to be of God Sc to 
be subjected vnto for conscience sake. 

" 'And Whatsoeuer is in the whole Epistle or booke inconsisting here- 
with I doe at once for all cordially disoune. 

"•John Eliot.'"! 



To the Chosen, and Holy, and Faithful, who manage the 
Wars of the Lord against Antichrist, in great Britain; 
and to all the Saints, faithful Brethren, and Christian 
people, of the Commonwealth of England: Grace and 
Mercy, with Peace and Truth he multiplied, through 
Jesus Christ our Soveraign Lord and King. 



Ever Honored, and Beloved in Christ, 

The late great Changes, which have fallen out in great 
Britain and Ireland, have so amazed the most of men ; 
and the black, and confused Clouds, which have over- 
spread the whole Land, have so darkened the way of 
those wheels of Providence by which Christ is coming to 
set up his Kingdom, that they whose eyes the Lord 
hath begun to open, to see Christ coming, in power and 
in great glory, according to his Promise, do also see the 
other part of his Word verified, namely, that the coming 
of Christ is in the Clouds of darkness; by means where- 
of it is long ere all men can see him, or be perswaded 
that it is he, who is now coming; though afterwards, 
they shall see that even those Clouds were needful, a 
while to obscure the bright appearance of his design. 

Lately reading a Book called a Plea for Non-subscrib- 
ers, or the grounds and reasons of many Ministers oi 
Cheshire and Lancashire, &c. though 1 had before heard 
of the sad differences, distances of spirit, and dissatisfac- 
tions among the people of the Lord : yet then my heart 
bled to see such precious holy men, pleading (as they be- 
lieve) for God, with a pure and sincere Conscience, and 
yet in so doing strongly to speak against the glorious 
work of the Lord Jesus, in easting down Antichrist, and 
setting up his own Kingdom foretold in Scripture, and now 

VOL. ix. 17 



ISO The Christian Commonwealth. 

fulfilling, as also strongly and sharply speaking against 
those whom the Lord hath pleased to employ and improve 
as his Instruments in accomplishing thereof. 

On the other side, those writings which that Book An- 
swereth, have so missed the Principles on which the 
Cause standeth, whereby the Consciences of others 
should be satisfied, who oppose ; as that the Answerers 
have clearly the upper ground of them in many things: 
and therefore stand firme in that which they suppose to 
be a right Cause, and weaken those who have indeed a 
right Cause in hand, insomuch as that hereby the differ- 
ence is exceedingly encreased and sharpened. 

Now though 1 am the most unmeet of all men, to un- 
dertake to interpose and speak unto such learned, grave, 
holy, and eminent persons, every way beyond me i:: all 
accomplishments for the Lords work, and in a Cause so 
much above me; yet was I pressed in my spirit, con- 
sidering whose Cause I plead, to take the boldness to 
propound that unto them, which I believe to be the true 
state of the Cause, and which (by the blessing of God) 
may reach to their satisfaction ; when they see that they, 
into whose hands the Lord (to the wonderment of men) 
hath been pleased to put power, do follow the Lord, and 
accomplish his Word, aim at the fulfilling of his ends and 
design, denying themselves, that they may advance Christ 
Jesus in the Throne, and let him reign over them. The 
prayers, the expectation, and faith of the Saints in the 
Prophecies and Promises of holy Scripture, are daily 
sounding in the ears of the Lord, for the downfall of Anti- 
christ, and with him all humane Powers, Polities, Domin- 
ions, and Governments; and in the room thereof, we wait 
for the coming of the Kingdom of the Lord Jesus, who by 
his Divine Wisdom, Power, Government and Laws, given 
us (although hitherto sealed up in a great measure) in 
the holy Scriptures, will reign over all the Nations of the 
earth in his due time: I mean, the Lord Jesus will bring 
down all people, to be ruled by the Institutions, Laws, 
and Directions of the Word of God, not only in Church- 
Government and Administrations but also in the Govern- 
ment and Administration of all affairs in the Common- 
wealth. And then Christ reigneth, when all things among 



The Preface. 13] 

men, are done by the directionof the word of his month : 
his Kingdom is then come amongst us, when his will is 
done on earth, as it is done in heaven, where no Humane 
or Angelical Policy or Wisdom doth guide any thins:, hut 
all is done by Divine direction (a) ; and so it shall he on 
earth, when and where Christ reigneth. 

It is Prophesied, Dan. 2. 34, 35, &c. Thou sawest 
till that a stone was cut out, without hands, which smot 
the image upon his feet that were of iron and clay, 
and brake them to pieces. 35. Then was the iron, the 
clay, the brass, the silver, and the gold, broken to pieces 
together, and became like the chaff of the summer thresh- 
ing-floors; and the wind carried them away, that no place 
was found for them : and the stone that smote the image, 
became a great mountain and filled the whole earth. &c. 
Which Prophecie doth clearly foreshew the forenamed 
points : for there is an epitomy of all the Monarchies, 
Governments, and Polities of men who have had their 
Humane Glory in this world ; the last, and strongest of all 
which Dominions is the Roman; so mixed and inter- 
woven in many States, by the combining of that dirty 
Roman Religion, with civil Powers, as that when that 
Stone Christ, by his faithful Instruments, shall over- 
throw, and beat in pieces that Religion, they must and 
shall, according as it is written, beat down withali the 
strongest Iron sinews of civil States, which are propug- 
nators, and supporters thereof, whether professed or se- 
cretly. 

Yea, moreover, when Christ that stone, shall by his 
chosen Instruments, smite in pieces all the Romish Re- 
ligion, and civil States, which are complicated with it, 
and supporters of it, (who though they greatly care not 
for it (/>)> yet for their own ends they are supporters of it) 
then, down cometh the whole Image from top to bottom; 
all Dominions and Governments of man, by Humane 
Policy, formes of Government and Laws in all places 
whatsoever, in Gods order and time; who by their fall 

(a) Psal. 103. 20. Angels do his commandment ; hearkening to the voice of hi* 
word. 

(b) Dan. 2, 43. They shall not cleave one to another, even as iron is not nuxt w«n 
clay. 



132 The Christian Commonwealth. 

shall be so dashed in pieces, that though they were before, 
a terrour to men, yet now they shall be light and con- 
temptible things, of no more account with men then dust 
or chaff: because Divine institutions, both of Government 
and Laws, arising in the room of Humane, they will be 
quite darkened, even as tiie Stars are by the rising-Sun : 
for in the room of them shall arise the Government of the 
Lord Jesus, who by the Word of his Mouth, written in 
the h ly Scriptures, shall order all affairs among men ; And 
great shall be his Dominion : for the Stone Christ shall 
grow to be a mountain filling the whole earth : all men sub- 
mitting to be ruled by the Word, in civil, as well as Church 
affairs. 

Now it seemeth to me that the Lord Christ is now ac- 
complishing these things in great Britain. The faithful 
Brethren in Scotland gave the first blow at the dirty toes, 
and feet of this Image; with whom the faithful brethren 
in England, presently concurred. But the Iron of the 
Civil State, stuck so fast to the miry clay, that according 
to the Word of Christ, they are (beyond all the thoughts 
of men) both fallen together; they are fallen, they are 
fallen, they are both fallen together: Oh that men would 
therefore praise the Lord, for his faithful Word, and 
goodness; for his mercy endureth for ever! and all his 
faithful Word shall be accomplished. Amen, Amen. 

There be many other Prophecies of holy Scriptures 
touching these things (as the Saints well know) the ap- 
plication whereof to what is now done in England, I will 
not undertake, it being a worke rather for a Treatise then 
a Preface. 4 r ea, some Prophecies, (as I apprehend) do 
more particularly describe what is now done ; but I shall not 
mention them, hoping that others will do it, according as 
the Lord shall please to open that door. 

Now these things being so, it doth deeply concern those 
holy and faithful ones of the Lord, who have been Instru- 
ments in his hand, to accomplish these great and giorious 
works, whether by Councils or Wars, or otherwise, to be 
wise, and discerning of the times, to know what Israel 
ought to do, in this great work of bringing about the 
Kingdom to David, to lay the Government upon his shoul- 
ders ; that after all these clouds and storms, the peaceable 



The Preface. 133 

Kingdom of Christ may rise up, and the Lord May reign 
in England. Much is spoken of the rightful Heir of the 
Crown of England, and the unjustice of casting out the 
right Heir ; hut Christ is the only right Heir of the Crown 
of England (a), and of all other Nations also (b) ; and he is 
now come to take possession of his Kingdom, making Eng- 
land first in that hlessed work of setting up the Kingdom 
of the Lord Jesus: and in order thereunto, he hath cast 
down not only the miry Religion, and Government of 
Antichrist, hut also the former form of civil Government, 
which did stick so fast unto it, until by an unavoidable 
necessity, it fell with it ; which while it stood, and as it 
stood, was too high to stoop to the Lord Jesus, to be ruled 
by his command. Now therefore by these preparations 
made by the naked Arm of the Lord Jesus, to set up his 
Kingdom in England, he calleth upon those Worthies in 
whose hands he hath betrusted the managing of this great 
work, now to advance Christ, not man; not themselves, 
but Christ; which doing, taketh off those heavy imputa- 
tions of investing themselves with Authority, of taking 
the inheritance to themselves. . . God forbid, God forbid, 
that it should enter into our hearts, to think so unworthily, 
so unchristianly, so dishonourably of such renowned ser- 
vants of the Lord, who have so graciously, and humbly 
ever given unto the Lord, all the glory of all their Victo- 
ries, that now at last they should rob him of his Crown, 
Dominion, and Government ; which to set up in England, 
hath been the mark and Scope of all these late great 
works of God; and if it be not yet done, surely it is 
either because the Lord hath not yet fully revealed to 
them, what his will is they should do in the midst of these 
confusions, or because the unquietness of the times per- 
mits them not to go about it. 

That which the Lord now 7 calleth England to attend is 
not to search humane Polities and Platformes of Govern- 
ment, contrived by the wisdom of man ; but as the Lord 
hath carried on their works for them, so they ought to go 
unto the Lord, and enquire at the Word of his mouth, 

(a) Psa. 2. 8. The uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession, 

(b) Rev. 11. 15. The Kingdoms of this world are become the Kingdoms of the Lord, 
and of his Christ; and he shall reign, &c. 



134 The Christian Commonwealth. 

what Platforme of Government he hath therein command- 
ed and prescribed : and humble themselves to embrace that 
as the best, how mean soever it may seem to Humane 
Wisdom. Faith can see beauty, power and glory in any 
Divine institution, when Humane Wisdom may think it 
weak and contemptible. 

There is undoubtedly a forme of Civil Government in- 
stituted by God himself in the holy Scriptures ; whereby 
any Nation may enjoy all the ends and effects of Govern- 
ment in the best manner, were they but perswaded to 
make trial of it. We should derogate from the sufficiency 
and perfection of the Scriptures, if we should deny it. 
The scripture is able throughly to furnish the man of God 
(whether Magistrate in the Commonwealth, or elder in 
the Church, or any other) unto every £ood work. 

And when a Christian people are to choose their Gov- 
ernment, should they take their patent from the Nations 
of the World («), we know what an offence that would be 
to Christ, who intends to Rule them himself, by his own 
Divine Patem and Direction. Christ is now about to 
ruine the Roman-Image ; Wisdom therefore it is, to look 
above all such Pa terns to find out a Divine Platforme, 
taught by God himself, which he will delight to bless unto 
such men as shall submit unto it. 

And if there be a Divine institution of civil Govern- 
ment that may suit the State of England, I doubt not 
but all the godly in the Land would chuse that way of 
Government before any other in the world : for every Di- 
vine institution hath a Divine blessing in it. Yea, God 
himself is more eminently present, ruling thereby; and the 
Spirit of God doth breath in and bless every institution 
of the Word, to make it powerful and effectual to attain 
its end better, and more effectually than any Humane 
Ordinance and Institution in the World can do. The 
Promise also of Gods blessing and protection is unto all 
those, who walk in Scripture-ways and Ordinances. More- 
over, that uncomfortable difference among the people of 
God about that great business of changing the Govern- 
ment in England, would hereby be reconciled, and all 

(a) 1 Sam. 8. 5. Make us a King to judge us like all the Nations. 



The Preface. 135 

things brought unto an holy peace, every one readily yield- 
in? that the Lord Jesus should assume the Soveraignty, 
to appoint them what Government to set up over them : 
and would most readily embrace that, whereby the Lord 
himself, should reign in England. 

I think it needful to insert this word of Apology for my- 
self; That it pleased the Lord of his free mer£y to me 
(in myself being no way fitted for such a work) to put me 
on, to instruct our poor, blind, and dark Indians, in the 
good knowledge of the Lord : who when (through grace) 
they tasted of the knowledge of God, of themselves, of 
Christ and redemption by him ; they desired to leave their 
wild and scattered manner of life, and come under Civil 
Government and Order; which did put me upon search, 
after the mind of the Lord in that respect. And this VOW 
I did solemnly make unto the Lord concerning them ; 
that they being a people without any forme of Government, 
and now to chiise ; I would endeavour with all my might, 
to bring them under the Government of the Lord only: 
Namely, that I would instruct them to im brace such 
Government, both Civil and Ecclesiastical, as the Lord 
hath commanded in the holy Scriptures: and to de- 
duce all their Laws from the holy Scriptures, that so they 
may be the Lords people, ruled by him alone in ail things. 
Which accordingly they have begun to do through grace, 
covenanting with the Lord, in a day of fasting and prayer, 
to be the Lords people ; and to receive that forme of 
Government, which they had learned to be a Divine in- 
stitution in the holy Scriptures. This occasion did first 
put me upon this Study, who am no Statesman, nor ac- 
quainted with matters of that nature ; but only spend my 
time in the Study of the holy Book of God. But having 
collected by the Lords help out of the holy Scripture this 
following forme of Government: and seeing the excellent 
harmony and order thereof, both in the several Courts, 
gradually ascending one above another, and all cases among 
the people coming under such a certain, and orderly way 
of receiving speedv issue; and all Appeals, having such a 
iree and unprejudiced passage, in their gradual ascent, 
even to the highest, and final determination : These and 
such other things made me think, that it is a most de- 



136 The Christian Commonwealth. 

sirable, and peaceable forme of Government, and suitable 
to any Christian people, who reverence the Word of God ; 
yea, the more eminent and Christian they be, the more 
suitable it is for them. 

Especially also considering, that though the single form 
of tens, fifties, hundreds, and thousands, will be but of 
small capacity in great Commonwealths, and populous 
cities : yet the superiour orders, of Myriades or ten thou- 
sands, fifty thousands, hundred thousands, and thousand 
thousands, are exceeding comprehensive, to extend Govern- 
ment to the greatest people ; and yet with that certain 
and peaceable order (without any interfering or confusion) 
for speedy Justice, and determination of all causes, 
as that it seemeth to me to be the most excellent 
Government that ever was in the World. And adding to 
this, above all considerations and commendations that it is 
a Divine Institution, sprung from heavenly wisdom com- 

, manded in scripture filled with the Spirit of God, which is 
able to carry on the Wheels of this Government, with a 
most irresistible and successful force and power, to the 
attainment of all the ends of Government among men most 
effectually. Yea, it seemeth to me, that this is that forme 
of Government, by which Christ meaneth to rule all the 
Nations on earth according to the Scriptures. Yea far- 
ther, repenting-believing Israel and Jadah, I believe, shall 
serve and obey Christ in this way of Civil Government; 
and who knoweth but our obedience hereunto, may hasten 
and farther their coming in? 

I would not exceed bounds of humble modesty; yet let 
me make bold to adventure the producing a farther Medita- 
tion, touching the Divinity and heavenly excellency of this 
Government of the Lord ; namely, that the Angels of 

'"-■ Heaven are governed by this order of Government, ac- 
cording as it is applyable to their condition. It is past 
all doubt, that there is an heavenly order, (I do not say 
Judicature, as with us) among the Angels: for as Hell is 
a place of confusion, so heaven of order; and if God is the 
God of order in the Church, whereby the place of his feet 
is beautified; much more is heaven beautified, by a most 
heavenly order of the Church there residing. And if Solo- 
mons Court was in that respect of a ravishing glory, name- 



The Preface. 137 

\y by the order of it, and of his attendants : much more 
is heaven in an excellent order, and all the Angel's the 
holy attendants of Gods Throne, attending in comely or- 
der. And if the order of Solomons Court, was one effect 
of his great wisdom, can we think that the infinite wis- 
dom of God, attended by Angels, Spirits of such wonder- 
ful wisdom, should not be attended in a most glorious or- 
der, and his attendants excellently beautified, by walking 
in an heavenly order ? therefore there is an heavenly order 
among them. And that it is this order of tens, hundreds, 
thousands, &c. doth appear in Several Scriptures, where 
we find mention made of them in this order, wherein it 
is observable, that so great is the number of them, that 
they are not mentioned in their single order, but the low- 
est that I have observed, is Myriades of Angels. Heb. 
12. 22. and so the Saints shall find them ordered when 
they come to heaven (a). They are also mentioned by the 
highest degree of the Superior order, viz. thousands of 
thousands ; and not only so, but by a Supreme order, viz. 
Myriades of Myriades, Rev. 5. 11. which I call Supreme, 
being the highest I mid mentioned in Scripture ; but 
whether that be the highest order of Angels, is not re- 
vealed that I know of: but thus it seemeth unto me, that 
the Angels are in this order of Government. Likewise 
the Saints in heaven seem to be in the same order ; for 
when Christ cometh to judgement, and all the Saints with 
him, 1 Thes. 4. 13. they shall come in this order, Jude, 
vers. 14. With Myriades of his Saints, behold the Lord 
cometh. 

Now if this be the order of Government in Heaven, 
what an heaven upon earth shall that be, when all the 
Kingdoms and Nations on the earth shall be so ruled? 
and then shall the will of God be done on earth, as it is 
done in heaven, when he reigneth over men on earth, in 
the same order of Government as he doth in heaven (b). 

Let me be yet farther bold to propound another Medita- 
tion, under the correction of better judgements, accord- 



(a) Mai 26. 53. Christ makefch mention of twelve Legions of Angels, for his pres- 
ent assistance, if he thought ^ood : which is all one with Myriades. 

(6) It is not nothing, that when Christ fed the people miraculously, he set them 
down by hundreds, and by fifties, Mar. 6. 40. as if Christ delighted in that order. 
VOL. IX. 18 



138 The Christian Commonwealth. 

ing as I do the former, upon that text Dan. 7. 10. where 
is set forth the judgement of God executed upon Anti- 
christ. Many things might be shewed out of the context, 
to prove, that it is not the last judgement, which is there 
spoken of. The means of execution of that judgment, is 
by the Wars of the Lamb, the Lord Jesus, as appears in 
the Book of the Revelation and the people executing those 
Wars, by this text seem to be a people ruled by this or- 
der of Government: which if it be so, may it not give 
some light to find out the ten Kings which shall hate the 
Whore, make hex desolate and naked, eat her flesh, and 
burn her with fire ? 

These things considered, touching the excellency of this 
forme of Government, and especially the Divinity of it, 
and now also by a wonderful work of God, England 
being in a capacity to chuse unto themselves a new Govern- 
"ment, and in such deep perplexity about that great Ques- 
tion, where to set their foot in peace ; some pleading for 
the unjustice of easting off the kingly Government, others 
unsatisiied with the present, and all expecting what will 
be the conclusion. And seeing no Humane Forme, quiet 
and safe, to set down their foot upon, in rest and tran- 
quility, hereby ail hearts are perplexed, sighing up to 
heaven for direction what to do, and where to finde rest 
and quiet to the Land. By this means, all hearts are pre- 
pared to embrace any help or counsel from the Lord; and 
when they have wearied themselves with differences, 
they will gladly all concur together to set open the door 
to let in the Lord Jesus, to give them rest ; who hath been 
all this while knocking at the door, by these perplexing 
troubles: that his Government might be on all hands 
gladly embraced, and himself finde a free and peaceable 
enterance, to begin his blessed and waited-for reign over 
the Nations of the earth, according as it is Prophesied in 
the holy Scriptures. 

Therefore in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, King 
of Saints (whose Kingdom I desire to advance, with all 
my might and heart) 1 do beseech those chosen and holy 
and faithful Saints, who by Councils at Home, or by Wars 
in the Field, have fought the Lords Battels against Anti- 
christ, and have carried on the Cause of Christ hitherunto, 



The Preface. 139 

That you would now set the Crown of England upon the. 
head of Christ, whose only true inheritance it is, by the 
gift of his Father (a) : Let him be your Judge, Let him be 
your Law- Giver, Let him be your King! take the patern 
and form of your Government, from the Word of his 
Mouth, which will have power over the Consciences of 
all the people of the Land, and compose all differences 
about that point, into a sweet harmony of obedience and 
subjection to Christ our Lord and King, with one heart 
and consent ; and will bring about all the people with one 
heart, and shoulder, to promote the designs of Christ, and 
yours also, when they see that yours are not for your- 
selves, but for the Lord, to accomplish all the remainder 
of the great works of the Lord, even until Antichrist be 
destroyed, and the Throne of the Beast burnt with fire, 
and the Kingdom of the Lord Jesus set up in many Na- 
tions. 

You blessed ones of the Lord, who have so eminently, 
beyond the wont of Conquerors, humbled and abased your- 
selves, as no-bodies in the work, and ascribed all the 
praise and glory of your Valiant Atchievements, unto the 
Lord Jesus, whom by faith you did always see fighting for 
you, and (to your admiration) getting the Victory for you! 
You that have with an holy boldness of faith, made those 
dreadful appeals (unheard of in other stories) unto the 
Lord Jesus, to witness to the sincerity of your Cause and 
Conscience by his own arm, and in all your straights have 
never found him to fail you, or forsake you ; but still 
made you Conquerors, not only of your Enemies, but 
(which is more) of your selves also, not to arrogate praise 
unto your selves ; nor to improve your Victories beyond 
the bounds of Christian patience and love to the con- 
quered ; and all for the honour and glory of Christ, and 
his grace ; that his Name and Cause might find room and 
acceptance in the hearts of your Enemies, whom you 
therefore used like Christian Brethren, and not like Ene- 
mies. 

Shall such holy ones as you, need perswasion to set 
that Crown upon the head of Christ, which he hath put 

(a) Psa. 2. 8. Ask of me, and I will give thee the uttermost parts of the earth for 
thy possession. 



140 The Christian Commonwealth. 

into your hands to dispose of? where can you make a 
better choice, then to take the Lord to be your King ? 
and where can you think to find, a better patern of Gov- 
ernment, then in tiie Word of God? and where canyon 
think to iinde better Laws, then in the holy Scriptures? 

This following Platform of Government, I do no farther 
urge, then you shall finde it to be purely deduced from 
the holy Scriptures. It is the holy Scriptures of God 
onely that I do urge, to be. your onely Magna Charta, by 
which you should be ruled in all things ; which being, 
Christ is your King and Soveraign Lawgiver, and you 
are his people ruled by him in all things. 

And you my dear Brethren, the faithful Ministers of the 
Gospel of Christ, and all Christian Brethren, who do not 
yet see cause of submitting, and yielding unto this Change ; 
I do beseech you to consider the times, and compare the 
Prophecies of Scripture, with the present providences ; 
and see if you finde not all things to come to pass, accord- 
ing as it is written ; and that these wonderful providen- 
ces are not without Scripture-authority, and much to be 
regarded by the people of God. Nor be they the execu- 
tions of Divine wrath upon either Church or World, by 
profane hands, who act their own wills and lusts, though 
they accomplish Gods ends ; but they be the pouring out 
of the wrath of God upon Antichrist, for his destruction, 
and overthrow of his Kingdom, by the hands of holy 
Saints; according to the command of Christ; Christ him- 
self riding forth Victoriously among them, and perform- 
ing his great works, written and foretold in the holy Scrip- 
tures. May not Queen Maries coming to the Crown by 
the help of the Saints, be seasonably called to remem- 
brance ? or if not, yet now the time is come, to change 
Governments, and to cast down all at the foot of Christ, 
that he may Reign, and fill the Earth with the glory of 
his Government. 

No Oaths or Covenants of Gods People are against 
Christ, but in subordination to him, and to the advance- 
ment of his Kingdom. If therefore these great Changes 
are carried up to that head, that is the true scope and end 
of those Vows and Promises. It were not Lawful to ter- 
minate such a Vow or Covenant, as that is, upon any Per- 



The Preface. 14! 

son, Family, or Creature; it were Idolatry; nor was it so; 
nor is it now broken, by breaking all Creatures in pieces, 
that stood in the way of obtaining the true end thereof, 

namely, the advancement of the Lord Jesus, and his King- 
dom. 

I beseech you therefore help forward this work, which 
Christ hath put into the hands of those whom he hath 
made eminent, in accomplishing the works of his glorious 
coming, to set tip his Dominion on earth. Be not behind 
in bringing Christ to the Throne of England ! You, you, 
the holy Watchmen of the Lord, have given God no rest 
by your uncessant Prayers for bringing about what is now 
done ; follow on therefore to follow the Lord, and, as Ante- 
christ falleth, with whatever else stood in the way of 
Christ; so now let Christ come in, and help ye forward 
the setting up of his Kingdom. 

1 am bold to present this Scripture- Platform of Govern- 
ment to publique view, (if advice so carry it) at this season 
because I do believe it to be a Divine Institution of a Civil 
Government ; and seemeth to me to be such, as will well 
suit the present condition of England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, or any other religious people in the "World, who 
fear the command of God, and tremble at his word : and 
being persw r aded in my heart that it is the minde of the 
Lord, that Nations should be governed by Scripture In- 
stitutions, the time being come that the Lord is about to 
shake all the Earth, and throw down that great Idol of 
Humane Wisdome in Governments, and set up Scripture- 
Government in the room thereof. It may please God to 
give acceptance unto this poor beginning, and move the 
hearts of such as are wise, to prosecute this design of Christ, 
and more accurately to search the Scriptures, to finde out the 
perfect will of God in this point, which yet is but in its 
birth and dawning; many things being yet dim, and dark: 
in the morning twilight, we cannot see £ir before us, nor 
round about us ; but the Rising-sun, will through grace, 
bring greater light with him. 

As for such wholsome, just, and wise Laws, as any Na- 
tion hath already made, the Wisdome of the Lord will teach 
his People to refer them to their Scripture-principles, de- 
monstrating the truth and equity thereof, by the Word of 



142 The Christian Commonwealth. 

God, whereby they will appear to be the deducts from 
the Word of God; and hence they that are governed by 
them, are governed by the Lord ; they that break them 
sin against the Lord, by breaking his Commandment and 
Law. 

It were a Work worthy the labours of the best Divines, 
and the best of Men, to demonstrate the equity of all the 
wholesome and wise Laws of England by the word of 
God; the effects of which Work would be of admirable 
consequence to sanctifie the whole Land, to make the Ru- 
lers more expresly to govern for the Lord, and the People 
to obey the Lord, in obeying their Govemours ; and so the 
Lord himself shall Reign over them. 

My continual Prayer in this behalf, at the Throne of 
Grace is, that the Lord would so far scatter those black 
Clouds, which do darken the mindes of God's people in 
England, that they may see some Beams of the brightness 
of Christ his coming to reign ; and that the Lord would 
please to bow their divided hearts, to meet with one con- 
sent and accord, to make Christ their Law-Giver^ and 
Judge, and King, in whom alone they shall finde settle- 
ment and assured peace. 

Amen, Amen. 



THE 



CHRISTIAN COMMONWEALTH 



THE CIVIL POLITY OF THE RISING KING- 
DOM OF JESUS CHRIST. 



CHAP. I 



It is the Commandment of the Lord, that a people 
should enter into Covenant with the Lord to become his 
people, even in their Civil Society, as well as in their 
Church-Society («). Whereby they submit themselves to 
be ruled by the Lord in all things, receiving from him, both 
the platform of their Government, and all their Laws ; which 
when they do, then Christ reign-eth over them in all things, 
they being ruled by his Will, and by the Word of his 
Mouth (b). 

The substance of which Covenant, and subjection of 
themselves unto the Lord, to be ruled by him in all things, 
is this. That they do humbly confess their corruption by 
nature, and lost condition ; that they acknowledge the 
free grace (c) of God, in their redemption by Christ, and 
in the promulgation of the Gospel unto them, and making 

(a) Dent. 29. 10, 11, 12, 13. You stand this day all of you, before the Lord your 
God : your Captains of your Tribes, your -Elders and your Officers, with all the men 
of Israel. (II ) Your little ones, your wives, and the stranger that is in thy Camp, 
&c (12.) That thout shouldest enter into Covenant with the Lord thy God, and into 
his oath which he maketh with thee this day, (13.) That he may establish thee to 
day for a people unto himself, and that he may be to thee a Gnd, as he hath said unto 
thee, and as he hath sworn unto thy fathers, to Abraham, to Isaac and to Jacob. 

(h) Isai. 33. 32. The Lord is our Judge, the Lord is our Law-giver, the Lord is our 
King, he shall save us. 

(e) Deut. 26. 1. ad 12. I profess this day unto the Lord thy God, that I am come 
into the Countrey, which the Lord thy God sware unto thy fathers to give us, &c. 
vers. 5. And thou shalt speak, and say before the Lord thy God, A Syrian ready 
to perish was my father, and he went down into Egypt, &c. vert*. 7. And when 
we cried unto the Lord, he heard us, &c. ver. 8. And trie Lord brought us forth out 
of Egypt with a mighty hand, &c. 



144 The Christian Commonwealth. 

application thereof effectually unto their souls : and therefore 
the Lord hath shewed his everlasting Love unto them, and 
caused them inwardly by faith, to give up themselves unto 
him. to be for ever his, to love, serve, and obey him, in all 
his Word and Commandments: so now they do outward- 
ly, and solemnly with the rest of Gods people joyn to- 
gether so to do in their Civil Polity, receiving from the 
Lord both the platform of their civil Government, as it is 
set down (in the essentials of it) in the holy Scriptures ; and 
also all their Law r s, which they resolve through his grace, 
to fetch out of the Word of God making that their only 
Magna Charta ; and accounting no Law, Statute or Judge- 
ment valid, farther then it appeareth to arise and flow 
from the Word of God. 

Such as with a lively faith enter into or walk in this 
Covenant, do perforin every Act (wherein th^y are free 
from temptation) of civil conversation among men (a) by 
faith in obedience unto God. Instructing: that all should 
do so, who take this Covenant; and if they do not, they 
are guilty of breach of Covenant, before God. A willing 
subjection of a mans self to Christ in this Covenant, is 
some hopeful sign of some degree of faith in Christ, and 
love to God; and as a good preparative for a more neer 
approach to Christ in Church-fellowship, and Covenant: 
he that is willing to serve Christ by the Polity of the 
second Table civilly, is in some degree of preparation to 
serve him, by the Polity of the first Table Ecclesiastically. 

The Child is implicitely comprehended in the Fathers 
covenant (/;), the Wife is explicitly comprehended in her 
Husbands, insomuch that in her Widowhood she and her 
Family are one, under the order of the Government of 
God. 

The particular form of Government, w T hich is approved of 
God (c), instituted by Moses (d) among the sons of. Israel, 
(and profitable to be received by any Nation or People, 



(a) 1 Cor. 10. 31. Whether ve eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the ^lorv 
of God, ' 

(b) Deut. 29. 14, 15. Neither with yon onely do I make this Covenant this day, but 
with him that standeth here this day before the Lord our God, and with him that is 
not here with us this dav. 

(c) Exod. 18. 23. If thou shall do this thin?, and God command thee so. 

(d) Exod. 18. 24. Moses hearkened, and did all. 



The Christian Commonwealth. 145 

who reverence the command of God, and tremble at his 
Word) is this ; that they chuse (a) unto themselves Rulers 
of thousands (b), of hundreds, of fifties, and of tens, who 
shall govern according to the pure, holy, righteous, perfect 
and good Law of God (c), written in the Scriptures of the 
Old and New Testament. 

The forming of which Platforme of Government, de- 
duced from the Scriptures, is as followeth. 



CHAP. II. 



The several degrees of tens, fifties, hundreds, and thou- 
sands may fitly be called orders of men, governed by God, 
the God of order (d). 

Wl . r i r (1- Those of the single Platforme. 

Which orders ot men ) Tl r i o 

< z. lnose or the bupenor arising; 
are ) 

( upon the first. 

First for the single-Platform, which is Gods Standard, 
according to which the Superior is delineated, or measured 
out. God hath commanded that ten men should chuse 
unto them a Ruler of ten. 

Hence, if they be not ten, they cannot chuse unto them 
a Ruler of ten. Hence also the Ruler maketh the elev- 
enth man ; or rather, is the head (e) of the order of ten. 

Hence also one Ruler of ten, may Rule over nineteen 
men ; but if they become twenty, then by Gods institu- 
tion, they must chuse another Ruler of ten ; for God hath 
said, Chuse you Rulers of tens. 

Servants, or Sons living with their Parents, as in the 
condition of Servants (/), they may not explicitely, politi- 

(a) 18. 21. Thou shalt provide able men. With Deut. 1. 13. Take ye wise men, 
and I will make them Rulers. 

(b) Exod. IS. 23. Deut. I. 15. 

(r) Deut. 1.17. Fear not the face of man, for the judgement is Gods. 2 Chro. 19. 
6. And said to the Judges, Take heed what ye do: for ye judge not for man, but 
for the Lord, who is with you in the Judgement : Ezek. 44. 24. They shall judge it 
according to my judgement. 

(d) Isa. 9. 7. Of the increase of his Government and peace there shall be no end, 
upon the throne of David, and upon his Kingdom, to order it. 

(c) Exod. 16. 25. Make them heads over ihe people, Rulers of tens, &c. 

(/) Gal. 4. 1. The heir so long as he is a child, dLTereth nothing from a servant. 
VOL. IX. 19 



146 The Christian Commonwealth. 

cally, personally, chuse publick Rulers ; while they live 
under the Authority of Family-government, they are not 
personally capable of interest in publick Political Elec- 
tions: it is enough to attain Gods ends, that they be vir- 
tually comprehended in their Fathers Covenant. 

But if they Marry, or live in the State of allowed pub- 
lick Free-men, then are they capable of, & are bound 
personally to act, in the choice of their publick Rulers. 
The Rulers of the Father are virtually Rulers of the Child ; 
but when the child putteth forth an act of choice, he hath 
liberty to chuse, in due order, another Ruler of ten, unto 
whom he doth personally submit himself: for all men are 
commanded to chuse unto themselves rulers. 

By that one act of chusing his Ruler of ten, and sub- 
jecting himself unto him, he doth chuse, and subject him- 
splf unto all the Superior orders, under whom his nuer 
of ten is ruled. 

No man may lawfully, or without sin, live out of the 
order of Gods Government : and should any man refuse 
to chuse and subject himself unto the same, he cannot 
justly challenge any priviledge, benefit, or protection there- 
by, though his virtual interest (in such as have it) hath 
hold upon him, until his actual choice doth more expresly 
engage him ; and Love will improve every thing lor the 
good of those, who know not what is good for themselves. 
He is beneath the condition of a stranger, who shall Apos- 
tatize from the Government of the Lord ; yea, beneath 
the condition of Barbarians, who are not yet come in, 
either by themselves, or their Progenitors. 

As the Ruler of ten may rule over more then ten, even 
any number under twenty ; so it is with the other orders, 
one Ruler of fifty, may rule over nine orders of ten ; but 
if they become ten, then they must chuse another Ruler 
of fifty; for the Lord hath said, Chuse you Rulers of 
fifties; that is, every rive orders of ten shall chuse a Ruler 
of fifty. 

Again, one Ruler of an hundred, may rule over three or- 
ders of fifties ; but if they become four orders of fifties, then 
two of them must chuse another Ruler: for God hath said, 
Chuse Rulers of hundreds ; that is, of ten orders of tens. 

Again, one Ruler of a thousand, may rule over nineteen 



The Christian Commonwealth. 147 

orders of an hundred ; but if they become twenty orders, 
then they must by Gods institution chuse another Ruler 
of a thousand : for the Lord hath said, Chuse you Rulers 
of thousands. 

Hence one Ruler of a thousand may, in case all the or- 
ders under him be at the fullest, rule over 8436. men ; 
which ordinarily, amounted to 33687 souls; which doth 
thus appear. 

One Ruler of ten may rule over nineteen men. 

One Ruler of fifty may rule over nine orders of ten ; and 

nine times nineteen, maketh one hundred seventy 

one. 
One Ruler of an hundred, may rule over three orders 

of fifty; and thrice 171 maketh 413. 
One Ruler of a thousand, may rule over nineteen orders 

of an hundred; and nineteen times 413, maketh 

7847. 
Add therefore to the people, their Rulers, thus : 
One Ruler of 50. with his nine Rulers of ten, make ten 

Rulers. 
One Ruler of an 100. may rule over three orders of 50. 

which maketh 30 Rulers. 
One Ruler of a thousand, may have under him nineteen 

Rulers of an hundred. So that 19. times 30. and 

19. added to them, makes 589 Rulers 

Add to them 7847 People 

Sutmna totalis is 8436 
And generally among mankind, for one head of a family, 
there be at least three more souls of women and children ; 
so that, four times 8436. amounteth to 33687. soules. But 
it will be rare for all orders to be full at once. 

Again, these orders of men, may be multiplied thus ; 
when such as are Supernumerary in several orders, agree 
together to make another order. For example, if two 
Rulers of ten, have each of them fifteen men under them, 
then five men of one order, and five of the other order, 
may agree together to make another, a new order : and so 
in all other orders it may be. 

But if they do this, if they make a new order because 
they desire it, and not because the Word of the Lord com- 



148 The Christian Commonwealth. 

mandeth it; when they multiply orders by choice, and not 
by necessity of institution : then their next Superiors shall 
guide and direct them in peace and mutual love : for Mo- 
ses guided the people in all their Elections (a). 

If they cannot agree, then they may appeal to their 
next Superiours, and so unto the highest (b) Council, if need 
be : For the Council is (in ordinary dispensation) in Moses 
stead ; and the Scriptures are the Mouth of God, at which 
they must enquire, and by the guidance thereof determine 
of all Cases, so far as the Lord giveth li^ht ; and until 
the mind of God be known, the Case must stay, whatever 
it be (c). 



CHAP. III. 



The Lord hath given this Commandment in the order- 
ing of his Government, that judgment should be executed 
speedily (d) ; and also that it should be managed with the 
greatest respect to the ease, both of the Governours and 
People (e). 

But particular times means and other circumstances, the 
Lord hath not particularly commanded (/). Hence it is left 
unto the wisdom of the Rulers, to order time, means and 
other circumstances* for the best,- and most effectual at- 
tainment of the forementioned speedy and easie determi- 
nation and execution of Judgement, in all Cases whatso- 
ever, and in all places, Cities, or Towns where the peo- 
ple dwell (g). 

(a) Exod. 18. 21, 25. Thou shalt provide able men. 25. Moses chose able men. 
Deut. 1. 15. So I took the chief of your tribes. 

(b) Deut. 1. 17. The case that is too hard for you, bring it unto me. 

(c) Num. 15. 34. And they put him in ward, because it was not declared what 
should be done unto him. Numb. 9. 8. Stand still, and I will hear what the Lord 
will command concerning you. 

(d) Ezra 7. 28. Let judgment be executed speedily upon them. Eccles. 8. 11. 
Because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily, therefore the heart 
of the sons of men, is fully set in them to do evil. 

(e) Exod. 18. 17. 18. 22. 23. This tiling is not rood ; thou wilt surely wear away, 
both thou and this people that is with thee: ver. 22. So shall it be easier : ver. 13. 
Thou shalt be able to endure, and all the people shall go to their place in peace, viz. 
having judgement among themselves in their own quarters, and places of abode, and 
not be troubled to come to the chief Court, with every cause. 

(/) Exod. 18. 22. Let them judge the people at all seasons. 

(g) Exod. 22. 23. All the people shall go to their own place in peace. 



The Christian Commonwealth. 149 

Hence again, it well accordeth with Gods institution, 
that every order do co-habit together (a) as neer as may he ; 
because that doth tend to facilitate both the watch, and 
work of the Lords Government. 

Hence also limits of Piace (b) (in a general observation 
with allowance to some particular exceptions, as prudence 
and piety may require) may be useful to attain this end. 

Hence again, if any shall remove his habitation to a 
more remote place; meet it is that he do change his Rul- 
ers, by cruising a Ruler of ten in the place whither he 
goeth to dwell : and hence it is meet that such removings 
and changes be made by a due approbation of the Rulers 
whence he goeth, and with the acceptance of those to 
whom he removeth, lest by such unstable changes, as 
some may afreet, they may slip out from under the Govern- 

rppnt r\i tno T nrn nt ]no«jt rrnm ITEWTPr trip WJlttf'*Tl ^T)n ikp 

thereof, though from the right thereof they cannot, be- 
cause it is a general command to honour thy Father and 
thy Mother; and lest by the confluence of unruly persons 
to a place more remisly governed, the Government of the 
Lord should be undermined, and scandalized. 

Because sin will grow r apace, like ill weeds, if it be 
not always watched, and often w 7 eeded out ; and fire of 
strife will soon flame out, if it be not speedily suppressed 
and quenched : and it edifieth many ways, that justice 
should be speedily done ; especially it promoteth peace 
and piety. 

Hence it is meet, that Rulers of ten appoint one day 
in a week, solemnly to hear and determine Causes, and 
guide the common Affairs of his ten, for the more orderly, 
easie, and speedie proceeding of justice and peace, which 
are facilitated and expedited, by a stated and appointed 
time (c). 

Again, it is meet that the Ruler of fifty keep the Court 
of six, consisting of five Rulers of ten, and himself the 
Ruler of them, once in a moneth, for the more solemn prO- 
fa) Deut. 1. 15. I took the chief of your Tribes, and made them head?; over you. 

(b) Deut. 21.2, 3. Thy Elders and judges shall measure unto the Cities about, 
and the City which is next unto the slain man. Deut. 1G. 16. Judges shall thou 
make in all thy gates throughout thy Tribes. 

(c) Exod. 16. 26. They fudged the people at all seasons: ?v* doth frequently in 
Scripture signine a stated time. 



150 The Christian Commonwealth. 

ceeding of Justice, & Appeals, if need be: because the 
higher Cases ascend, the more solemnity is in them (a) ; and 
need the more time and deliberation. 

I call these a Court, because they are an Assembly of 
Judges, among whom God promiseth to stand (b). Six is the 
lowest number of this Court ; but they may be more, re- 
cording as the orders of ten be more under a Ruler of 
fifty : but they cannot exceed ten ; because a Ruler of 
fifty cannot by Gods institution, have more than nine or- 
ders of ten under him. 

Again, it is meet that the Ruler of an hundred keep the 
Court of three, consisting of two Rulers of fifty, and him- 
self the Ruler of them, four times in the year, upon the 
former grounds. 

Three is the lowest number of this Court, and it can- 
not exceed four ; because by Gods institution, he c<imiui 
have more than three orders of fifty under him. 

Again, it is meet that the Ruler of a thousand keep 
the Court of eleven, consisting of ten Rulers of an hun- 
dred, and himself the Ruler of them, twice in a year ; 
and here judgement runneth with greatest Solemnity and 
Majesty; I say Greatest in the single platform. 

Eleven is the lowest number of this Court; but there 
may be more, according as the orders of an hundred under 
him be multiplied ; but they cannot exceed twenty, be- 
cause he cannot have above nineteen orders of an hundred 
under him. 

It is necessary that every Court have such Officers (c) to 
attend, as are necessary to accomplish and execute those 
ends for which the Lord hath instituted those Courts: 
because the appointment of the end, doth command all 
means requisite for the attainment of that end, being such 
as accords with Justice and Prudence. 

Vide Ains worth in Loc. 

It is also necessary to have persons (t/), and all other In- 
struments, for the inflicting of all kindes of Punishments, 
which the Law of God appointeth. 



(a) Exod. 16. 22. Ever}' great matter they shall bring unto thee. 
(k) Psal. 82. 1. 

(c) Dent 16. 13. Judges and Officers shalt thou make. 

(d) Lev. 24. 12. Num. 15. 34. They put him in ward. 



The Christian Commonwealth. 151 

But touching the several Punishments of Cost, Shame, 
or Smart ; and touching the several ways of Putting to 
Death, by Stoning, Burning, Strangling, or by the Sword; 
as also touching Banishment, 1 am here silent. They 
more properly appearing in the handling of such Laws 
which do inflict several punishments, according to the de- 
merit of the Sin, or use of terrour unto others, proportion- 
ing them to the Standard in the holy Scriptures. 



CHAP. IV. 



Upon the forenamed grounds of speedy Justice, for the 
establishing of firme peace, all Causes bewixt man and 
man, pertaining to the Cognizance of the Ruler of ten, 
must be put upon Suit or Tryal, within the space of one 
moneth (a). Cases belonging to the Court of six, must be 
put upon Suit or Tryal within the space of three moneths. 
Causes belonging to the Court of three, must be put upon 
Suit or Tryal, within the space of nine moneths. Causes 
belonging to the Court of Eleven, must be put upon Suit 
or Tryal, in the space of one year and half: or else to be 
frustrate, and lose the priviledge of receiving judgement by 
man ; unless it appear that the providence of God did hin- 
der, or that the Defendant or Delino^ient party did dis- 
appoint it: in those cases it may be admitted to Tryal, 
and receive Judgement, though it be of a longer standing. 

But Criminal Offences are to be judged, at the time 
when, and in the place where they be discovered, and that 
with the most speed that may -be. 

Such Cases as are difficult, weighty, and worthy such 
attendance, and cannot attain an acceptable issue in the 
Court where they firstly appertain, may ascend from 
Court to Court, either by Appeal, or by Transmission 
to the Court of eleven. And whatsoever Cause of weight 
cannot receive issue there, may yet ascend either by 
Appeal or Transmission to the highest Council (6), where 

(a) Lev. 10. 17. Thou shall not suffer sin upon hirn. 

(I/) Exod. 38. 22. Great matters they shall bring to thee. 2f). Hard matters they 
brought to Moses. Deut. 17. 6. 9. If there arise a^ matter too hard lor thee, &c, thou 
shall come to the Priests, Levites and Judges that shall be in those days. 



152 The Christian Commonwealth. 

by Gods appointment it must receive final determina- 
tion (a). 

In lesser Commonwealths, where there he no Rulers or 
Courts of the Superiour order, Cases ascend to the highest 
Council from the Court of eleven : but where there be 
Rulers and Courts of the Superiour order, there the Cause 
must ascend from the Court of eleven in the single Plat- 
form, to the Court of one Myriade, or the lowest Court in 
the Superiour order; and so proceed until it come to the 
Supreme Council. 

Every Appeal in this Platform of Government which 
the Lord hath instituted, doth ascend to an higher Court, 
and to other Judges. There is one of the Judges from 
whom he appealeth, a member of the Court to whom he 
doth appeal, truly to inform the Court of the Reasons of 
then j judgement ; ana out one, icm iuc} bhuuiu sway over- 
much, and the Appealant want the priviledge of new and 
unprejudices Judges. 

- Whosoever shall trouble the free passage of Justice in 
the ending of Causes, through a perverse will, or base 
ends, or captious and quarrelsome wit, besides the charges 
of such agitations, he is worthy of some other medicine, 
as may most effectually do him good, and warn others. 

In all Courts, he that hath power to call the Court, hath 
a double Vote : as for example, in the Court of Three, if 
the Ruler of an hundred differ from the two Rulers of 
fifty, the Court is equally divided : if there be three Ru- 
lers of hdy, and one of them concur with the Ruler of an 
hundred, their sentence standeth. 

When the Court is equally divided, it is a difficult Case, 
and must ascend to the Court next above them by Trans- 
mission ; or if the lesser part of the Court oppose the sen- 
tence of the Court, as judging it sinful, then it must as- 
cend by Transmission. 

If a Judge of any Court shall oppose the rest in point 
of sin, without weighty and considerable grounds, in the 
judgement of the Court whither it ascends or is trans- 
mitted; his first offence shall be corrected with the charge 
of such transmission, and admonition from the lusher 
Court : after, offences in like kind are to be considered 

(a) And thou sfaalt do according to the Sentence, &x. Deut. 17. 10. 



The Christian Commonwealth. 153 

and judged, by proportion to the process of Christ in the 
Church, even unto rejection from his Place and Office. 

The highest Council is to consist of a convenient num- 
ber of the most holy and ahle men (a) orderly chosen for 
that purpose, by all the orders of (b) men under their 
jurisdiction, every man in order having an equal voice 
therein, from among all the Elders of the people: both in 
the Commonwealth, and in the Churches (c), the biggest 
number being civil Elders ((/). 

The Lord commanded Moses that seventy Elders should 
stand with him before the Lord ; hence there were seven- 
ty one of the Council, and Moses was the chief, and or- 
dained the rest. 

According to which patern, the people are to chuse their 
chief Ruler first : who being installed by some, instead of 
the whole people, must instal the rest, and is Chief Ruler 
of the Supreme Council, who must call and manage their 
Assemblies. 

As the overburdensomness of the work of Government 
by one man, was the ground of the institution of the 
forenamed orders of Government : so the overburdensom- 
ness of the work for one man to hear all hard Cases, 
and Appeals, together with other Cares to provide for the 
welfare of the people, was the ground of the institution 
of the Supreme Council (e). 

(a) Num. II. 1C. Whom thou knowest, to be Elders of the people. With Exod. 
18. 21. Able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness. 

(b) Deut. 1. 13. Take ye wise men. 

(c) Deut. 17. 9. And thou shalt come to the Priests, Levites, and Judges that shall 
be in those days and enquire, and they shall shew thee, &.c. 2 Chro. 19. 8. Moreover, 
in Jerusalem did Jebosaphat set of the Levites. and of the Priests, and of llie chief of 
the fathers in Israel, fir the Judgement of the Lord, and for .controversie. Deut. 21.2. 
Then thy Klders and Judges shall come forth, and shall measure, &c. ver. 5. And 
the Priests the sons of Levi shall come neer, and by their word shall every stroke and 
every controversie be tryed Deut 19. 17. Both the men between whom the contro- 
versie is, shall stand before the Lord, before the Priests and Judges. Ezek. 44. 24. 
And in controversie they shall stand in judgement, and they shall judge it according 
to my judgement. 

(</) Numb. 11. 16. Gather to me seventy men of the Elders of Tsrael. VideAinsw. 
in Loc- Hence the Hebrews gather, that thev were chose out of ail the Tribes, 
and therefore there was not less than five of a Tribe, and so many of Levi, who be- 
fore the institution of the Sanhedrim, were taken of God instead of the first born, to 
be Priests unto God : for they were taken to be Priests at Sinai, Numb. 3. 14. And 
this institution was at Kibroth-hattaavah, Numb. 11. 34. with Numb. 31. 15. 10. 17. 

(e) Deut I. 0. I spake to yog, and said. I am not able to bear you alone. Numb. 
11. II. ad 10. ver. 11. And Moses said unto the Lord. Wherefore hast thou afflicted 
thy servant, and wherefore have 1 not found favour in thy sight, that thou layest the 
burden of ail this people upon me? ver. 14. I am not able to bear all the people 
alone, because it is too heavy for me. 

VOL. IX. 20 



154 The Christian Commonweallh. 

The conveniency of the number of this high Council, is 
thus to be measured, and judged by Gods Standard. 
Israel had at least three Millions of people, (though not 
one Million of men in order, or not much mere : for the 
Souldiers were but six hundred thousand) now their 
Supreme Council consisted of seventy one; therefore that 
is the highest number that will be needed among men 
ordinarily ; yea, though a people should be much bigger, 
I see not but that number may suffice: But that number 
is not limit ted ; because God denyeth not this Govern- 
ment to fifty who are the least Court, and a lesser number 
of men then the highest Council in Israel had, by Gods 
appointment; and if it be not limited on the one side, so 
nor on the other. 

Again, the lowest number of the Supreme Council that 
may be, is five ; because that Council must consist both of 
Magistrates, and Elders of Churches ; Elders of both sorts, 
one of a sort suffice th not, and the bigger part must be 
Magistrates. 

This Council must alwaies be in being, personally or 
virtually, to give answer to all Cases propounded, touch- 
ing the Law of God, and the application thereof, to any 
particular Person or Cause, and to take care for the gener- 
al Protection, Provision, and Government of the whole, 
in truth, holiness, and peace. 



CHAP. V. 



The duties of all the Rulers of the civil part of the 
Kingdom of Christ, are as followeth. 

The Office and Duty of all the Rulers, is to govern the 
people in the orderly and seasonable practice of all the 
Commanders of God, in actions liable to Political obser- 
vation, whether of piety and love to God, or of justice, 
and love to man with peace. 

Hence they are keepers of both Tables, and are so to 
look that all the Commandments of God be observed, as to 
compel men to their undoubted duty, and punish them for 
their undoubted sins, errours and transgressions. 



The Christian Commonwealth. 155 

A case, a Duty, a Sin, is said then to be undoubted, 
when either it is expresly, or by general approved conse- 
quence, commanded or forbidden in the Scriptures; or 
when it hath passed the circuit of" Gods Polity, and re- 
ceived its final determination according to the Scriptures; 
unto which not to submit, is capital presumption. 

Hence again, Rulers are eminently concerned to main- 
tain the purity of Religion, with all care and power; holi- 
ness, truth, and peace being much concerned herein. 

Hence again, all Rulers must be skilful in the Scrip- 
tures ; they must read and meditate in the same all the 
daies of their life, that thereby they may be enabled to do 
their Office faithfully, and religiously so long as they live. 

Hence again, they are to give counsel and command for 
the well ordering of all the Publick Affairs of their people; 
boiii in Education of Youth, whether in Schools or other 
Occupations; in walking in their Callings, in their Neigh- 
bourhood, commerce and converse with men, in subjecting 
themselves to Government, with Religion, Justice and 
Peace. 



CHAP. VI. 



The Office of the Ruler of ten, is to see all his people 
walk as becometh Gods people in their several places, 
furthering the same upon all occasions. And at appointed 
times to sit alone to hear and determine Causes of Jus- 
tice, and of evil conversation ; to declare Gods sentence 
and counsel in every Case, and see it executed. 

Provided it be with the consent and submission of the 
party or parties concerned. 

All difficult Cases, and Appeals, he shall binde over to 
the Court of six ; and Capitals in life, limb or banishment, 
to the Court of eleven. 

These Rulers are next the people; hence they see them 
*most: and therefore they need be singularly wise, pa- 
tient, loving, faithful, and zealously holy men. So great 
is his work and charge, that it had need extend but to a 

* Each other. 



156 The Christian Commonwealth. 

small compass. If he well perform his Office, it doth pre- 
vent much trouble to Superiour Courts. 

The Office of the Ruler of fifty, is to see that all the 
Rulers of ten under him, be faithful in their Of/ice and 
Duty ; and to help on their work, in all Cases, and toward 
all persons, as he hath occasion. 

As also to call and keep the Court of six in their sea- 
sons ; where all Cases, pertaining to the publick good of 
all his order, and particular Cases betwixt parties of the 
several of the orders of ten under him, are nextly (o be 
tryed and determined, together with Appeals from any of 
the Rulers of ten under him ; and difficult Cases trans- 
mitted from them to this Court. 

This Court hath power to end strifes, judge Causes, de- 
clare and pronounce the sentence of Gods Word, in 
mulcts, and punishments, and see them executed. Diffi- 
cult Cases they shall transmit; and also Appeals they 
shall bind over, unto the Court of three. But capitals in 
life, limb or banishment, to the Court of eleven. 

The Office of the Ruler of an hundred, is to see that 
the Rulers of fifty under him, do perform their Office and 
Duty faithfully; to help them what lieth in him, in any of 
their works towards their Rulers of ten, or any particular 
person under him. Also ail Causes which concern the 
Publick good of all Orders under him, are in his charge. 
And also to call and keep the Court of three, where Caus- 
es betwixt parties of his several orders of fifty, are prop- 
erly to be tryed and determined ; with Appeals from the 
Court of six, and such difficult Cases as that Court shall 
transmit to them. 

This Court hath power to end all strifes, judge and de- 
termine Causes, declare and pronounce the sentence of 
Gods Word, in mulcts and punishments, and see them 
executed, xilso to take care of the Publick good of all 
their Orders. Appeals, difficult Cases, and capitals in life 
and limb, and banishment, they shall bind over and trans- 
mit to the Court of eleven. 

The Office of the Ruler of a thousand, is to see that 
all the Rulers of hundreds under him, do perform their 
Office and duty faithfully : to help them what lieth m him 
in any part of their charge toward their Rulers of fifties, 



The Christian Commonwealth, 157 

or Rulers of ten, or any person under him ; also all Cases 
which concern the Pubiick good of all the orders under 
him, are in his care and charge. As also to call and keep 
the Court of eleven, where all Causes betwixt persons in 
several of his Hundreds, are properly belonging ; with 
Appeals from the Court of three, and difficult Cases trans- 
mitted to them. Also all Cases which concern the Pub- 
lick good of all the Orders under them. 

Also all Capital Cases of life, limb, or banishment, be- 
long this Court : because it is the highest and most solemn 
Judicatory in the single Platform, and fullest of Majesty. 
The highest punishment is fitly pronounced, in a more 
solemn Judicatory, then is the Court of six, or three; un- 
less the smalness or paucity of the people have no higher. 

Also Cases betwixt parties of several thousands belong 
to this Court : at the choice of the Plaintiff in which 
Court of Eleven, either that which himself doth belong 
to, or that which his Adversary is under. But this con- 
sideration doth belong to lesser Commonwealths, where 
they have no Governour of the Superiour order, and yet 
more then one Ruler of a thousand. 

This Court hath power to hear and judge all Causes 
brought before them ; declare and pronounce the sentence 
of Scripture, in all mulcts and punishments, even death 
itself, and see them executed. 

Also to pronounce, and see executed, all such sentences 
as the Supreme Council doth determine, and remit unto 
them. Namely, thus it is in lesser Commonwealths, 
where there be no Courts of the Superiour order, difficult 
Cases they must transmit to the highest Council, and bind 
over Appeals unto them, where there be no Courts of the 
Superiour order, betwixt the Supreme Council and them. 

The Office of the Supreme Council, is to see that all 
the Rulers of thousands, yea, all Rulers and Officers, of 
all orders and decrees, do their Office and Duty faithfully; 
and to receive difficult Cases and Appeals, from the Court 
of eleven ; to search the Scriptures with all faithfulness, 
to find out the pure mind of God, impartially and sincere- 
ly to apply the Cause propounded thereunto; to declare 
the will of God in the Case, and so return it to the Court 
of eleven, whereto it appertained!, there to receive judge- 



158 The Christian Commonwealth. 

merit accordingly. And whosoever will do presumptu- 
ously, and not hearken unto that sentence, shall be put to 
death, Deut. 17. 11. 12. 

In the single Platform, the Court of eleven is next lo 
the Supreme Council, for transmission and remission of 
Causes; but where there be Courts of the Superiour or- 
der, it is not so. 

Also they are to declare the Counsel and Will of God, 
touching War and Peace, and accordingly transmit the 
work to such of the Rulers as they judge most, meet to 
accomplish the same. 

L Also to take care for, and provide means for PubJick 
welfare and subsistence, by Trading, both Foraign and 
Domestick, Fishing, Tillage, &c. with all other necessary 
and useful occupation. 

Especially they arc to take care foi peace ana truth in 
Religion, in all the Churches, and among all the people; 
and the propagation also thereof. As also the furtherance 
of all good learning in all the Liberal Arts and Sciences. 

The Supreme Council, and all Courts, yea, and all Rul- 
ers, have power to bind Offenders, and Persons concerned, 
to appear, or prosecute in due order and season; punish 
for offences in that kind ; and if need be, commit to prison 
for security. 

If Rulers offend either morally or politically, by rigor, 
partiality or remisness, his or their next Superiours have 
power to correct such evils, according to the Word of 
God ; and as need may be, the Case may orderly ascend, 
from Court to Court, even to the highest Council. Heresie 
Blasphemy, and other Cross (especially if capital) sins, 
are just cause, in due order, of deposition from his office, 
by the Supreme Council ; the cause coming to them either 
by orderly ascent, or taken in immediately, as a notorious 
scandal, which calleth for speedy remedy. 



The Christian Commonwealth. 159 



CHAP. VII. 

So much for the single Platform of Christ his Govern- 
ment : now followeth the Superiour, arising out of the first. 

When the Lord shall bow the hearts of great Nations, 
to embrace this form of Government, there being popu- 
lous Cities, Provinces, and Countries, where the Rulers 
of thousands will be greatly multiplied, and Causes fre- 
quently fall out, betwixt parties of several thousands ; yea, 
and betwixt the Rulers of thousands sometimes, bein^ so 
numerous, insomuch that the Supreme Council will be 
overburdened, even as Moses w r as. 

Hence there will be a necessity of erecting the Superi- 
our platform of the Lords Government : which by propor- 
tion unto the single Platforme (which is more fully exprest 
in Scripture) cloth arise from it, and is builded upon it. 

Namely, that every ten orders of thousands, should 
chuse a Ruler of ten thousand, or a Myriad e ; and five 
orders of Myriades, a ruler of fifty thousand, or five 
Myriades; and two orders of five Myriades should chuse 
a Ruler of an hundred thousand, or ten Myriades: and 
ten orders of an hundred thousands, or ten Myriades, 
should chuse a Ruler of a thousand thousand, or an hun- 
dred Myriades, or a Million. 

I am led to believe, that this Superiour order of Rulers, 
is a Divine institution, not only by cosequeuce of pro- 
portion to the single Platform ; but expresly, and that it 
was practised by Moses in Israel: namely, that ten Rulers 
of thousands had a Ruler over them of ten thousands, or 
of a Myriade ; and that the order of Myriades or ten thou- 
sands, were as duly k, orderly observed, as the orders of 
thousands were. For Numb. 10. 36. when they rested 
from their marching, Moses blessed them, and said, Re- 
turn O Lord, to the Myriades of the thousands of Israel: 
therefore there were orders of Myriades, as well as of 
thousands. 

Furthermore, it is expresly said, by Moses in his song, 
Deut. 33. 2. The Lord came from Sinai (namely, where 
the order of Government was first instituted) and he came 
with myriades of Saints. Therefore orders of Myriades 



160 The Christian Commonwealth. 

were instituted and acted from the first foundation of this 
Government. 

Likewise, Deut. S3. 17. he speaketh of the orders of 
Myriades among the Tribes, as familiarly observable, as 
the orders of thousands. So that we may see this Supe- 
riour order and platform of Government, observed in 
Israel, and expressed in (he holy Scriptures. 

The Ruler of a Myriade hath this eminency, above a 
Ruler of ten in the single Platform, that all his ten whom 
he immediately ruleth, are eminent Rulers. 

Hence they are an Assembly of Judges, and a Court, 
for number every way proportionable to the Court of elev- 
en : but for eminency and distinction they are more 
properly called the Court of one Myriade. 

The Ruler of fihy thousand or live Myriades holdeth a 
Court for number proportionable to the Court of six in 
the single Platform : but for eminency and distinction, 
they are more properly called the Court of five Myriades. 

The Ruler of an hundred thousand, or ten Myriades, 
holdeth a Court for number proportionable to the Court of 
three in the single Platform : but for eminency and dis- 
tinction, it is more properly called the Court of ten Myri- 
ades. 

The Ruler of a thousand thousand, or an hundred Myri- 
ades, holdeth a Court for number proportionable to the 
Court of eleven ; but for eminency and distinction, it is 
more properly called the Court of one hundred Myriades. 

The times or seasons, Officers or other means for the 
most effectual ordering of these Courts, will be most fitly 
discerned, and agreed, by such a people as may have use 
of them. 

The Causes which most properly belong to the Court of 
one Myriade, are such as lail out betwixt parties of their 
several thousands; as also difficult Cases transmitted from 
the Court of eleven, and Appeals from them. 

Also all such Cases as concern the Publick good of all 
under them. 

All Courts of the Superiour order have power to judge 
all capital Cases whatsoever. 

The Court of one Myriade hath also power to judge 
any Cause betwixt the Rulers of the thousands of that 



The Christian Commonwealth. 161 

Myriade, who are not to judge in the Court when their own 
Case is judged. Difficult Cases they transmit, and ap- 
peals they bind over to the Court of live Myriades, if there 
be such a Court betwixt them and the Supreme Council : 
otherwise they transmit them to the Council. 

The Causes which properly belong to the Court of five 
Myriades, are such as fall out betwixt parties of the sever- 
ed iMyriades under them. 

1 will ascend no higher, in describing the Courts of the 
Superiour order: party because Gods Method is plain, and 
also it will be rarely of use in any Commonwealth; es- 
pecially considering that which I farther propound. 

Namely, seeing God himself was pleased to appoint a 
Prince, a chief Ruler, over every Tribe in Israel, who 
were distinguished, by that civil distinction of Kin- 
dreds. 

By proportion thereunto, in populous Nations, where 
there be other civil distinctions of societies and cohabita- 
tions of men, viz. by Cities, Provinces, Countries, &c. 
should not they chuse a Prince, a chief Ruler of those 
several Precincts of civil society ? 

Whose Office is chiefly to take care of the good Govern- 
ment, firstly, of all the Superiour Rulers under him: as 
also of all the rest, as he hath opportunity, that the Lord 
mav rule among them. 

Likewise to hold a Court, consisting either of the Rul- 
ers of Myriades, or of five Myriades, or of ten Myriades, 
or of an hundred Myriades according to the greatness of 
the people in his Precincts. 

This Court to be called the Court of the Prince, or 
Lord, or Chief Ruler of such a Precinct; and to be next 
unto the Supreme Council : from which Court, onely diffi- 
cult Cases and Appeals have access to the Supreme Coun- 
cil, and to which they remit the determinations of the 
Cause, to receive its judgement : Lest the Supreme Coun- 
cil be oppressed with business from so many Courts, and 
thereby the people with delays of hearing and issue, oc- 
casioned thereby. 

It seemeth to be right Orders, and according to Gods 
institution, that these Princes of the several Tribes or 

vol. IX. 21 



162 The Christian Commonwealth. 

Societies of men should be members of the Supreme Coun- 
cil : The whole Dominion being distributed unto the Su- 
preme Counsellours, or to so many of them as may be meet. 
For the Princes of" the Tribes of Israel (it seemeth to me) 
were members of the Sanhedrim or Supreme Council ; be- 
cause God commanded that they .should be chosen mv care- 
fully from among the Elders of the people. Hence they 
will chuse the most choice of their Elders to send up with 
Moses to stand before God. Now they could not chuse 
better, fitter, and men more acceptable to God, out of all 
their Elders, then those whom God himself had chosen 
by name, to be Princes of the Tribes. 

Besides, it is exceedingly harmonious, in the frame of 
this Government, that it should be so: for though who- 
ever of the other Elders, whether of the single or Supe- 
riour Order, be chosen to tho Supreme Council, it may 
seem requisite, they should leave the lower station, lest 
when Appeals have passed in the circuit of Gods Govern- 
ment, and come to the highest Council, there should be 
sundry of them, through whose judgement the Cause had 
formerly passed, which may prove prejudical both to their 
persons, and to the Cause. 

But when it hath lastly passed through the Court of 
the Prince of the Tribe, meet it is that one of the last 
Court through which it passed, should be present in the 
Supreme Council, to give true information, how they last- 
ly after all former Tryals did find the Cause. 

But this is to be observed in the distribution of the 
whole Dominion to the several Supreme Counsellors, 
that no such civil Dominion is to be put upon or accepted 
by such Elders of Churches, as are Members of the high 
Council; as being such whose only Office and Work is to 
search the holy Scriptures, and give all attendance to de- 
clare the Divine Oracle of God in such Cases as are in 
hand, of what nature soever they be : yea, and if the 
Council see need, to call Ecclesiastical Councils, greater 
or lesser, to search out the mind of Christ; for bis pres- 
ence and blessing is in every Ordinance ; and all jovntly 
conspire the advancement of his Kingdom, and the doing 
of his will. 

The Election of all Superior Rulers, is to be after the 



The Christian Commonwealth. J 63 

same manner as in the single form, viz, by all the people,* 
over whom they are to rule. 

Some of the Princes of the Tribes of Israel, may seem 
to be Rulers of fifty thousands, or of fives Orders of Myri- 
ades: yet the Office of the Princes was not onely under 
that notion, but also as an head of a civil society, a kin- 
dred, an eminent part, a division of the Commonwealth: 
for some of the Tribes had but four Myriades, and some 
but three, and therefore could not in that way and order 
have a Ruler of five Myriades. Therefore they must 
needs be instituted under another consideration, viz, as 
being the head or chief Ruler over an eminent part, or 
division of the Commonwealth, being civilly divided into 
such societies. 



CHAP. VIII. 

So much for the Platform of the Lords Government. 
Now it remains to consider of the Laws by which these 
Rulers are to Govern the Lords people. The written 
Word of God is the perfect Systeme or Frame of Laws, 
to guide all the Moral actions of man, either towards God 
or man : the Application whereof to every Case according 
to its circumstances, must be by the wisdom and discretion 
of the Judges, guided by the light of the Scriptures, and 
a pure Conscience. 

The judgement and determination of a Cause, is nothing 
else, but the particular application of the Cause, according 
to all its circumstances, unto the Rule and Standard of 
Gods Word. 

The Records qf which judgements, are equivalent to 
Humane Laws. Which so far as the Case with all its 
circumstances considered is rightly applyed to the Rule of 
the Word, is a deduct, from Scripture, and bindeth the 
Consciences, both of Judges ahvay so to judge in the like 
case, and the people so to walk. 

Which Records to order wisely, and publish for common 

* Or orders of men. 



164 The Christian Commonwealth. 

instruction and edification, is a work of great wisdom, and 
tendetb much to Gods glory, the good of the people, and 
the facilitating and expediting justice, among them. All 
Strangers, are to be accounted under the Government of 
those Orders where they reside, and where their business 
lieth ; so as to have the benefit of the Government of the 
Lord, as our own people have. 



FINIS 



A DISCOURSE 



PRONOUNCED BEFORE THE SOCIETY, OCTOBER 31,1844} ON THE COM- 
PLETION OF FIFTY YEARS FROM ITS INCORPORATION. 



BY JOHN G. PALFREY. 



Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Massachusetts Historical Society: 

Trifc completion of a half century since your associa- 
tion was incorporated has appeared to you a fit occasion 
for looking back to its origin and surveying its labors, and 
you have been pleased to direct me, as one of the least 
busy of your number, to put together some such account 
of its designs and its proceedings as the short time allowed 
by your arrangements would permit. I undertake the 
task with great diffidence of my ability to do it any jus- 
tice, but with a promptness which not to show would be 
to prove myself a very unworthy member of your indus- 
trious brotherhood. 

Our society takes its date from the year 1790. The 
generation immediately preceding that then upon the stage 
had had occasion to expend its energies in toils far different 
from those of science. The close of the Seven Years' 
War, in which the New England colonies, especially Mas- 
sachusetts, had borne so onerous a, part, was scarcely fol- 
lowed by a short breathing space before the contest of the 
Revolution began. Eight years of anxious struggle for 
independence, and six years more of exhaustion and dis- 
order before a government was organized under the Federal 
Constitution, afforded little encouragement to pursuits re- 
quiring quiet and leisure for their votaries, and a settled 
state of the public mind for their due appreciation and 
patronage. Two learned societies, the American Philo- 
sophical Society, founded in 1769, and the American 



166 Semi- Ctntennial Discourse. 

Academy, in 1780, were of earlier origin; but the multi- 
plication of such institutions was not to be looked for till 
more tranquil times, and especially attention was more 
likely to he turned to the sources of the history of the 
country, from the period when it had vindicated an inde- 
pendent nationality, and had won a place for its history 
by the side of that of the other families of man. 

The original idea of this society has been attributed to 
our late estimable fellow-laborer, Mr. Thomas Wallcut. 
It appears, however, to be a more probable account which 
ascribes the first movement to Dr. Belknap and judge 
Minot.* Dr. Belknap had removed from Dover, New 
Hampshire, to Boston three years before. In the prepara- 
tion of his " History of New Hampshire," of which the first 
volume was published in 1784, he had been made to feel 
the want of access to some full repository of materials for 
recovering the story of our early times. Judge Minot, 
who, by his " History of the Insurrections in Massachusetts," 
had manifested and cultivated his ability and taste for this 
department of study,- — Judge Sullivan, then preparing for 
his "History of Maine," — and Dr. John Eliot, who had 
been long laboring on the collections finally incorporated 
into his " Biographical Dictionary,"-— had experienced the 
same need of a more sufficient apparatus. Mr. James Win- 
throp, of Cambridge, and Dr. Peter Thacher, of Boston, had 
an inclination for such pursuits, and were in possession of 
original historical materials, thought to be of value. Mr. 
Wallcut, with a genuine antiquarian cptXonovia, had been 
in the habit of transcribing important ancient papers, to 
place them beyond the reach of accident These gentle- 
men, with Dr. James Freeman and Judge Tudor, of Bos- 
ton, and the Honorable William Baylies, of Dighton, men 

* These statements are printed as they were delivered. A friend has since called 
my attention to an obituary notice of Dr. Belknap, published in the Columbian 
Centinel. for June <£5, 1798, and understood to be from the pen of Dr. John Eliot, 
who could not have failed to be well informed upon the point in question. The 
following is an extract: — " The Historical Society have lost their most hiborious and 

diligent member, and the founder of their institution He frequently met 

with disappointment from the loss of valuable papers, and he often mentioned to his 
friends in New Hampshire and Boston, that it was necessary to preserve them by 
multiplying copies, and making it the principal duty and interest of an association 
to coiiect them, and to study their value. The proposals of Dr. Belknap met with 
the approbation and encouragement of several gentlemen in this town and its envi- 
rons, and the society was incorporated in 1794." 



Semi* Centennial Discourse. 1 67 

of a kindred love of antiquity and truth, were the first 
associates. At a meeting, at which they ail were present, 
except Judge Minot and Mr. Baylies, our society was 
organized on the 24th day of January, 1791 ; some prelim- 
inary arrangements having been made, at an interview 
some weeks before, between Drs. Belknap, Thacher, and 
Eliot, and Judges Tudor and Win thro p. Judge Sullivan 
was chosen President ; Dr. Belknap, Corresponding Sec- 
retary; Mr. Walleut, Recording Secretary; Judge Tudor, 
Treasurer ; Dr. Eliot, Librarian ; and Dr. Thacher, Judge 
Minot, and Mr. Winthrop, the Standing Committee. 

The objects of the society were described in its con- 
stitution to be, " the preservation of books, pamphlets, 
manuscripts, and records, containing historical facts, bi- 
ographical anecdotes, temporary projects, and beneficial 
speculations"; and " a collection of observations and de- 
scriptions in natural history and topography, together with 
specimens of natural and artificial curiosities, and a selec- 
tion of every thing which can improve and promote the 
historical knowledge of our country, either in a physical 
or political view." The society was to consist of thirty 
resident and thirty corresponding members, a number 
afterwards doubled ; * and stated meetings were to be held 
in each quarter of the year, an arrangement subsequently 
changed to that of a meeting every month. 

The first meetings took place at the houses of Judge 
Tudor and Judge Sullivan ; after a few months, the society 
obtained the use of an apartment belonging to the Massa- 
chusetts Bank, in a building erected for a linen factory, 
on land now occupied by Hamilton Place; in January, 
1794, by the liberality of the projectors of the Tontine 
Crescent, on the south side of Franklin Street, they were 
enabled to place their collections, which had now become 
considerable, in the upper chamber of the centre building 
of that structure. The society's act of incorporation 
bears the date of the 19th of the following month. Its 

* The members are chosen by ballot, in the form prescribed by the society's vote 
of August 2!>, 1815, that, " In balloting for members, and in taking any questions by 
yeas and nays, the law and custom of our forefathers be adopted, as it stands in the 
Statute of Elections 1043, mutatis mutandis, — ' For the yearly choosing- of Assist- 
ants, the Freemen shall use Indian Corn and Beans, the Indian Corn to manifest elec- 
tion, and the Beans contrary.' " 



1 68 Semi- Centennial Discourse, 

sessions continued to be held in that place till the present 
more convenient accommodations were provided, at the cost 
of some of its members, and of other public-spirited citi- 
zens, in the year 1833. 

The original scheme of the society does not appear to 
have contemplated any thing beyond the collection and 
preservation of objects and materials of history, for the 
benefit of posterity, and especially of students and writers 
in that department. But, before long, wider views of use- 
fulness opened themselves, as they might be expected to 
do to men of such comprehensive intelligence. In 1792,* 
several papers which had come into the possession of the 
society were published on an extra sheet of the u Ameri- 
can Apollo," a magazine issued weekly. These papers 
now constitute the iirst volume of our Collections. The 
number °f ©risrinal contributions was coon largely in- 
creased, in consequence of a circular letter addressed by 
the corresponding secretary to clergymen, and other men 
of letters, in different parts of the country, soliciting com- 
munications relating to local history; and a series of pub- 
lications has continued to be made, at about the average 
rate of one volume in two years, embracing relics of the an- 
cient times, and communications of contemporary scholars. 

The success of our society, in respect to its original ob- 
ject, will bear lasting witness to the enlightened zeal with 
which its affairs have been conducted through the first 
half century. The library contains at present about six 
thousand printed books, besides a great mass of manu- 
scripts, arranged in a hundred volumes, mostly furnished 
with tables of contents. Gathered as they have been 
from various sources, and as opportunity permitted, these 
books and papers are of course miscellaneous, and of un- 
equal value. But many are of great interest and curiosity, 
and together they make a collection which the writer on 
the antiquities of the United States, and especially of New r 
England, is bound diligently to use. Most of the manu- 
scripts, without the public-spirited care of our founders, 
would probably long since have perished, or gone out of 

* On the 23d of October of this vear, by appointment of the society, a discourse 
was delivered by Dr. Belknap, in the church in Brattle Square, on the completion 
of three centuries since the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus. 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 1 69 

sight, and with them would have been lost much of the 
clear light which has been thrown on the course of our 
early history, — -a history incomparably precious to the 
New England man, as being that of his own great race, in- 
estimably precious to the wise of every lineage, as being 
full of rich instruction and example. 

The publications of our society, it may be permitted 
to one who has never had any part in them to say, have 
been models in their kind. The fidelity and skill of the 
editorial labor expended on them have not been, if they 
can be, surpassed. The judicious selection with which 
many of the venerable fragments of old time have been 
transferred from their obscurity to an honored place in our 
libraries; the scrupulous accuracy with which the copy 
has been made to represent the often faded and hardly 
legible oilgiiial ; the erudite exactness of the notes, ihe 
luxurious fulness of the indexes, sure and prompt guides 
to every apartment, and shelf, and object of the labyrinth- 
ine treasure-house, — are worthy of all praise. With 
such helps, the reader finds himself on the paths to a wide 
range of knowledge, with the least possible pains of his 
own in exploring the way ; and he goes on his course 
rejoicing, sure that, as far as he proceeds, he is treading 
on safe and firm ground. The publications of set treatises 
from the primitive age, like Hubbard's " History," Johnson's 
" Wonder-working Providence," Mourt's and Winslow's 
" Relations," Josselyn's " Account of Two Voyages," 
Gorges's and Smith's " Descriptions of New England," 
and others, are not more commendable examples of an 
intelligent pursuit of the objects of the association, than 
those of Governor Bradford's letter-book, the extracts from 
the papers of Deputy-Governor Danforth and Mr. Pynchon, 
the memoranda, public and private, relating to the expe- 
dition against Cape Breton, and numerous other discon- 
nected and fragmentary documents illustrative of different 
points in our annals. 

To our founders belongs the credit of an example 
which has been followed to similar good results in various 
parts of the country. The other States of New England, 
except Vermont, and the States of New York, Pennsyl- 
vania, Virginia, Georgia, Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois, and 

vol. ix. 22 



1 70 Send- Cen icnnial Discourse. 

Michigan, have each their historical society. The society 
of New York has published five volumes of transactions ; 
those 'of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Pennsylvania, 
each four; those of Maine and Georgia, each two: and 
that of Ohio, one. The plan of these associations, and 
of the publications issued by them, is substantially the 
same with that of the Massachusetts society. The Anti- 
quarian Society at Worcester, an institution of similar 
aims, has published two valuable volumes, and possesses a 
collection of rare interest, which we contemplate with such 
gratification as could be increased only by seeing it united 
to, our own, so that the student might have access at once 
to the rich stores of both. 

Of those whose names have been most prominent among 
the efficient and useful members of our association, many 
contiaue their enlightened labors for its service and iliai 
of the community. Of those departed, some have not 
been ambitious to connect their fame with the historical 
literature of the country in any other way. To the ad- 
ministration of the chief office in our society, Governor 
Gore and Lieutenant-Governor Winthrop devoted, each 
for several years, the eminent qualities which won for 
them the confidence of their fellow-citizens in high civil 
trusts ; and while the dignity of their public stations was 
thus reflected upon these favorite studies, their coveted 
companionship increased the enjoyment, and their liberal 
example animated the zeal, of their associates. In the 
trust of recording secretarv, Thomas Wallcut, the Rev- 
erend Drs. Freeman and McKean, and Gamaliel Brad- 
ford the younger; in that of treasurer, Judge Tudor; 
in that of librarian, the Reverend Drs. Kirkland, Alden, 
and McKean, William S. Shaw r , Elisha Clap, and James 
Bowdoin ; in that of cabinet-keeper, Samuel Turell, 
Bedford Webster, and the Reverend Drs. Alden and Mc- 
Kean ; in that of the standing committee, the Reverend 
Drs. Thacher, Freeman, and Kirkland, and Mr. Emerson, 
Judge Tudor, James Winthrop, Red ford Webster, Sam- 
uel P. Gardner, and James Bowdoin, have entitled them- 
selves to a grateful remembrance this day by their en- 
lightened, diligent, and valuable labors. All these eminent 
persons, with the exception of Governor Gore, Dr. Alden, 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 1 7 1 

and Messrs. Wallcut, Bradford, Shaw, Turell, James Win- 
throp, and Gardner, have been engaged in the superin- 
tendence of one or more volumes of our society's publi- 
cations : a service which has also been discharged by the 
Reverend Dr. Morse, Judge William Wetmore, Dr. Aaron 
Dexter, Dr. William Spooner, and his early lost and 
greatly lamented son. To none of our deceased associ- 
ates does the praise of the extreme skill, diligence, and 
learning of the editorial preparation of the published vol- 
umes more belong, than to the Reverend Dr. Freeman, 
and Mr. James Bowdoin ; the latter of whom has left no 
other proof of a love of historical studies and a sagacity 
and exactness of mind which made him a sort of oracle 
among his friends, and the former wrote no history but what 
is found in occasional contributions to these Collections, 

On the oilier iicuiu, our roll exuibits the ncimcs ui writers 
whose works have taken a permanent place in this de- 
partment of letters; of Belknap, the author of the digni- 
fied and faithful "History of New Hampshire," and of the 
two instructive volumes of " American Biography " ; * of 
Minot, w ? hose " History of the Insurrections in Massachu- 
setts " and f* Continuation of Hutchinson's History " are 
monuments alike of the fulness of his knowledge, the 
soundness and candor of his judgment, and the elegance of 
his taste; t of Holmes, whose indefatigable spirit of inquiry, 
and exacting and fastidious love of truth, were necessary 
to make so copious and trustworthy a book as the " An- 
nals of America " ; J of Sullivan, whose always cheerful 
and active mind could find time, in a life seemingly crowd- 
ed full of public cares, for the spirited sketch of the his- 
tory of Maine. § John Adams, though destined to be more 
known in history by even higher titles, has taken a place 
among historical writers by his " Defence of the American 

* Dr. Belknap was corresponding secretary the first seven years, and a member 
of the committees for the publication of Vols. I., III., and IV. 

t Judije Minot was successively cabinet-keeper, recording secretary, librarian, 
and treasurer. He also served on the standing committee, and on the committees 
for publishing Vols. L, IV., and VI. 

X Dr. Holmes was a member of the standing committee two years, and then, from 
1813, corresponding secretary twenty years, tili his death. He was also a member 
of the committees for publishing Vols. VII., X., XII., XV., XVI., XVII , XVIII., 
and XX. 

§ Governor Sullivan was president of the Society the first fifteen years from its 
institution, and served on the committee for publishing Vol. II. 



172 Saul- Centennial Discourse. 

Constitutions, 5 " his " Letters on the American Revolution, 53 
his H History of the Dispute with America," and other 
treatises. The writings of John Lowell were for tempo- 
rary purposes, but the abundance and aptness of the illus- 
trations, from the experience of all time, with which their 
lessons were pointed, showed a mind familiar with the 
discipline of the historic muse. Nathan Dane's "Abridg- 
ment of American Law " is a crowded storehouse of facts 
in the local history of that severe science. William Sul- 
livan's fluent and graceful pen traced the series of "His- 
torical Causes and Effects from the Fall of the Roman 
Empire to the Reformation." * While numerous others of 
our associates — as the Reverend Dr. Eliot, in his " Bio- 
graphical Dictionary " of the New England worthies ; f 
the Reverend Di\ Harris, in his " Life of Oglethorpe " ; t 
Alutii ijiciv.uwn.ji 5 in jus ■ x-jxik^ oi iYidyiiew," *• in. j story ox 
Massachusetts," "History of the Federal Government," 
and other works ; § William Tudor, in his " Life of James 
Otis"; |j William Lincoln, in his edition of the "Journal 
of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts," and others 
in works of less pretension— have evinced their own wise 
estimation of the examples and instructions of earlier 
times, and with a generous forethought have reflected the 
light, gathered from the past into their own minds, for 
the improvement and guidance of the times to come. 

The progress of our society has been coeval with the 
rise of a historical literature in the country, The " Jour- 
nal" of Winthrop, Morton's "Memorial," and other docu- 
ments transmitted from the primitive age, invaluable, from 
their authenticity, as materials for the later writer of 
history, of course do not come into the account of speci- 
mens in that department of composition. Hubbard, as by 
the discovery of Winthrop's manuscript has been made 



* William Sullivan was of the committee fur publishing Vol. VIII. 

t Dr. Eliot was librarian the first seven years, except one year when he was cabi- 
net-keeper. He then succeeded Dr. Belknap as corresponding secretary for fifteen 
years, till his death. He was on the committees of publication for Vols. I .. IV., V., 
ana VIII. 

X Dr. Harris was librarian four vears. sod a member of the committees for Dub- 
lishing Vols. VII., X., XII., XXlfl., and XXVI'. 

§ Mr. Bradford was of the committees for publishing Vols. XI., XIII., and XVIII. 

jj William Tudor was four years a member of the standing committee, and served 
on the committees for publishing Vols. XIV., XVII., and XIX. 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 173 

manifest, was but the copyist of that excellent authority 
in great part of his book, and deserves little credit in re- 
spect to all the period in which he had not that resource. 
The historical medley of Cotton Mather, in the next age, 
is beneath criticism in any point of view. The exact and 
laborious Prince had no higher aim than that of a faithful 
annalist. The crude and petulant sketches of Douglass 
are the work of a traveller and essayist rather than of a 
historian. The only formal histories, of a date earlier 
than that of the origin of our society, were those of 
Hutchinson and Belknap, of the latter of which the first 
volume only had been published. 

The work of Hutchinson claims applause for almost 
every merit, except what the position of its writer denied 
to it. A dependent colony cannot possess a generous lit- 
erature; and especially a good history of itself is the last 
thing that can be expected to proceed from it, at least 
till it has reached a mental independence by becoming ripe 
for a change in its political condition. With all his emi- 
nent qualities of mind and character, no one thinks to call 
Hutchinson a great man. Nature, it seems, would have 
had him one, but unpropitious circumstances would not 
suffer it. A native of one country, and entitled by his 
parentage to a liberal share in its patrimony of honor, 
yet dwelling in it as the public servant of another, the 
relations he sustained were too incongruous to permit his 
srivins a whole heart to its service and its glory. To 
write worthily of Massachusetts, while governing it for 
England, was a task beyond his, it was a task beyond 
the reach of any, genius. The representative of a for- 
eign sovereignty had subjected his mind to a treatment, 
which no mind can pass through, that is to come to 
any rich heritage of fame. He had studied what he un- 
dertook to write of, with a sagacious diligence : as to the 
events preceding his own times, at least, he will not be 
charged with having been a dishonest narrator: all the 
details of his subject were vividly before him ; and yet he 
did not understand his subject. The minister of a British 
ministry, the aspirant after a British peerage, could not 
comprehend the republican spirit of his fathers. He wrote 
of earnest controversies, in which fundamental principles 



174 Semi-Centennial Discourse. 

of policy were brought into conflict ; but his heart was 
abroad, and he was incapable of writing of them like one 
of his own brave people, or even as they would have been 
written of by a discerning observer, independent of both 
the parties. When was ever a series of transactions like 
those connected with the vacating of the old charter re- 
corded in so indifferent a strain by a pen so vigorous as 
Hutchinson's ? Had it been his to love the land that gave 
him birth with the ardor of an undivided allegiance, with 
what a different coloring would that pale sketch have 
glowed ! 

Of Belknap's history no less can be said, than that, to 
take a very high rank among writings of its class, it wanted 
little besides a better theme. He had most of the quali- 
ties of mind which have given to others a decided emi- 
nence in. tiiis department* What he found to lemie uc 
has told with beautiful faithfulness, perspicuity, and taste. 
His work was the dawn of a better day in composition, 
growing out of the freedom of mind which came with 
national independence, if the history of New Hampshire 
was not so fruitful as others in events that move and in- 
struct the reader, this was no fault of the author, how- 
ever much it may abate from the interest which, with a 
fairer opportunity, he was capable of winning to his work. 

As to writings of the highest pretension, these two 
works constituted the historical library of New England 
at the time when our society entered on its labors. From 
these beginnings has grown up within this period a his- 
torical literature of an unquestionably high character when 
tried by any standard, vindicating the reputation of our 
national scholarship abroad perhaps more satisfactorily than 
its successes in any other style of composition. And the 
capital productions of this kind, which have recently in- 
stalled some of our compatriots in exalted seats in the 
republic of letters, appear to be also the earnest of further 
achievements in the same attractive walk. There are 
signs that the literary ambition of the country is choosing 
this as its favorite direction, and that the labors to which 
the attention of our society has been turned have been 
seasonably providing facilities for many, who, in these 
prosperous days of our republic, can afford to aspire after 
a name in letters. 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 1 75 

It is a trite saying, but it is one weighty enough to hear 
repetition, that those are true benefactors to a country 
who do it the service of preserving the facts in its history 
for the instruction of later times. Among our associates, 
Gentlemen, have been eminent public servants, of whom 
future history is to declare that their country is their 
debtor for benefits in some of its highest places of trust, 
and its most critical exigencies of fortune. But few of 
them, perhaps, have done it any more useful service than 
in the part they have taken in keeping alive the knowledge 
of the deeds and principles of its founders. The safety 
of nations is in the patriotism of the people, and patriot- 
ism is mainly inspired by remembrance of the glories of 
the past. The deeds of former generations make a na- 
tion's point of honor. Base thoughts and practices stand 
abashed and' rebuked, when confronted with an honorable 
history. Virtue stands up firm and confident, when rec- 
ognized as a thing not new or foreign. Our fathers 
would, or icould not, have done so, is the eloquent watch- 
word of worthy enterprises, and dissuasive from the pusil- 
lanimity that is in danger of being swayed by the clamorous 
policy of the hour. They are no fit legislators, they are 
not trustworthy patriots in a private sphere, whose views 
take in only the necessities and proprieties of passing oc- 
casions. The doom of that people is written, which 
cannot look above the great interest of present prosperity 
to the greater one of maintaining an honest fame. There 
is a public conscience, as much as a private one, which is 
fortified and emboldened by the memory of good desert. 
The sense of a character to keep up and a character to 
lose makes the same element of dignity and uprightness 
in bodies of men as in the experienced individual. 

And what conservative element, is there more availing 
for the security of the institutions of a country ? The 
fact, that those institutions are experienced, by the gener- 
ation at any time upon the stage, to be salutary for the 
protection of its £ood order and well-being, may well dis- 
pose it to contentment, and disincline it to radical changes, 
of untried and uncertain expediency. But very little does 
it effect towards making them the object of that loyal de- 
votion which, when occasion demands, puts forth mightier 



1 76 Semi- Centennial Discourse. 

energies than any other passion that, inspires the human 
breast,- — very little does it effect towards this end, com- 
pared with the intense remembrance of the men and 
measures, the exploits and the sacrifices, of other times, 
by which the existing social system has been reared. By 
most who love the social system they live under, it is 
reverenced and will be guarded as a sacred thing, not so 
much for what it is, but for the glowing memories that 
trace the course by which it became and has been kept 
what it is. For one Englishman who has any intelligent 
perception of any benefit he has derived from the Great 
Charter, how many thousands would have gone cheerfully 
in its defence to the field or the block, moved by their 
sympathy with the brave struggle that extorted it from 
arbitrary power ! Had English history not been written, 
bnw f>r as tr> an ^r^nquorable love fei whatever is good 



joo»j t 



in their government and laws, would the mass of English- 
men have differed now from the native tribes of the land 
we dwell upon, without national character or enthusiasm, 
because without their necessary aliment in animating rec- 
ords of the past ? 

Gentlemen of the Historical Society, your studies and 
those of your predecessors have enlarged and diffused the 
knowledge of the history of these United States, especially 
of the New England commonwealths, and, most especially, 
of that State in which you have labored, and from which 
your society takes its name ; and, in so doing, you have 
performed a good service of patriotism, while you have 
illustrated a significant chapter in the experience of man. 
It would be vain to say that the history, which you have 
done so much to fill up, can in all its parts be contem- 
plated with equal satisfaction ; but, if the records of wis- 
dom and virtue deserve to be perpetuated and cleared from 
obscurity, certainly your cares have not been bestowed on 
an undeserving theme. Let other men love and praise 
other countries more than ours. That must be, because 
ours is not theirs. But it is impossible for a discerning 
man to turn over the records of Massachusetts, which you 
have collected and circulated, and not find delight in the 
exhibition there held up of much that is most vigorous and 
excellent in human nature. They are the records oi a 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 1 77 

people generally prudent and clear-sighted through the 
whole term of its history ; but which, hasty and mistaken 
as at one period, or sagacious and rightly judging as at 
another, has been always firm and brave, always true and 
loyal to the convictions of the time. 

Of what strain of the history of Massachusetts are not 
these qualities the key-note ? hi the parent country, the 
country peopled by the great race of modern times, a 
violent fermentation of opinion takes place. Views in 
religion and politics, for which a preparation of centuries 
has been making, at length have gained such strength and 
confidence that they are able to struggle for the mastery ; 
but the contest is a difficult, and is destined to be a bloody 
one; and numbers feel, that, however the die may fall, the 
large liberty thev sigh for must still be a distant blessing. 
Country, and quiet, and an easy domestic Idc, aic ut;ai iu 
them. But liberty of thought and conscience are dearer, 
and, to secure the greater boon, they cheerfully forego the 
less. They set sail for the " outside of the world," and 
land on the rock of Plymouth, k. winter as dreary as 
their fortunes buries half of their number beneath its 
snows. But the half that survives bates no jot of heart 
or hope. They sicken and starve through ten dismal 
years. But at length they produce food enough to exist 
upon ; a generation is growing up, that, never having been 
used to any thing better, can the more readily accommo- 
date itself to such a condition, and is more fruitful in ex- 
pedients for improving it ; and the Old Colony begins to 
breathe a healthy and stable life. The enterprise long 
attempted, but hitherto always foiled, finds success at last. 
What political ambition and commercial cupidity had tried 
in vain is accomplished by the more vigorous impulses of 
Christian faith and the passion for freedom ; and the 
British race has fixed a home upon a far distant continent, 
unknown, as much as another planet, till within little more 
than a hundred years. 

The causes that drove abroad that resolute band of 
exiles have continued to act. England has become even 
a more uncomfortable home for men worthy to be reckoned 
of its lineage, A company in some respects more compe- 
tent to the responsibility of founders of an empire soon 

vol. ix. 23 



178 Semi-Centennial Discourse. 

follows in the path that has been opened. Men eminent 
in learning, and experienced in public affairs at home, not 
at all such cavaliers as built up the great southern colony, 
but genuine representatives of the conventional dignity of 
the mother country, men and matrons* of its gentle and 
its noble blood, come with the band that plants itself on 
the shore of Massachusetts Bay ; and Plymouth, always 
doing worthily its secondary part, leans henceforward on 
a sister colony as magnanimous as itself in its devotion to 
truth and freedom. The troubles of the time prompt 
multitudes of the more generous spirits of England to 
cast in their lot with the fortunes of the infant state. In 
fifteen years from the settlement at Salem, more than 
twenty thousand emigrants have come over. They are 
the germ of a nation. The face of affairs changes at 
home. Dissent has its triumph. Puritanism reigns in 
England, and emigration ceases. A people has taken root 
here, to work out its destiny under influences mainly from 
within itself. With scarcely exceptions enough to deserve 
any account in the enumeration, we who now constitute 
the States of New England are descendants of English- 
men established here before the year lG43.f We and our 
fathers have dwelt here, an almost unmixed race, for 
more than two hundred years, a quarter of the time since 
the Norman conquest. 

In this period of the national infancy, terminating with 
the discontinuance of the emigration, our fathers have done 
three things chiefly noticeable as indicative of their char- 
acter and policy, and tending to determine the character 
and policy of their successors. By the institution of their 
college, and of the common school system, they have 
provided for the instruction of the people. By the Pequot 

*E.g. the wives of Isaac Johnson and of Deputy-Governor Humphrey, daugh- 
ters of the Earl of Lincoln ; of Samuel W hitney, minister of Lynn, daughter of Oliver 
St. John ; of John Sherman, minister of VVatertowri, granddaughter of Earl Rivers. 

t Hutchinson represents the emigration as having ceased in lti-10. Hutory, Vol. 
I. p. 91; But the statement of Johnson is probably more exact. "In the trans- 
portation of these armies of the great Jehovah, for fifteen years' space to the year 
3643, about which time England began to endeavour alter reformation, and the sol- 
diers of Christ were set at liberty to bide his battles at home, for whose assistance 
some of the chief worthies of Chris? returned back, the number of ships that trans- 
ported passengers in this space oi tune, as is supposed, is two hundred and ninety- 
eight. Men, women, ana children passing over this wide ocean, as near as at present 
can be gathered, is also guppos* d to be twenty thousand and two hundred, or there- 
about." — Wonder-working Protidtnct, § 31. 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 179 

War they have vindicated for themselves a . permanent 
lodgment on the soil. By pertinaciously holding on to 
their charter, which the king and his ministers sec; with 
amazement converted, under their hand?, from a grant of 
commercial privileges into a constitution of government, 
and by the interpretation which they insist on putting 
upon its provisions, they have constituted their community 
to all practical purposes an independent republic* Here 



* Possibly that limitation of the elective franchise, which has exposed them in 
these latter days to so much reproach, is to be considered much more in the light of a 
political calculation than of a sectarian scruple. " We wish," say the North Ameri- 
can Reviewers (Vol. XLIV., pp. 521, 592), " we could make our countrymen of 
other portions of the Union look a little more closely than they have done at some 
large relations of that old policy of New England, which some of them appear to 
think a single severe paragraph or period quite sufficient to despatch. It. is a "Teat 
grief and offence to them, that church-membership was made a qualification for the 
enjoyment of the franchises of a freeman of the colony. Let them chide, if they 
must. But we can teii tnem, that iney wouid nave haa to wait somewnat longer for 
their independence, if it had not been for thus intolerant spirit of Kew England 
legislation, which gives them so much disturbance. Lord Clarendon tells us, that 
the royal commissioners, sent out in 1604, found the northern colonies already 
' hardened into republics.' They had been a short time hardening. What hard- 
ened them so fast? Nothing more than the jealous and rigid pertinacity with which 
they adhered to their theory of exclusion from political power of ail who might have 
used it to strangle their embryo commonwealth. It will not do to look upon the 
Massachusetts tiithers as a set of heady zealots, careful only to have their own way 
in religion without regard to consequences, and that way not a very wise one. There 
were cool and far-sighted statesmen at the helm. King or Protector to the contrary 
notwithstanding, they meant to have a republic; and they had it virtually from the 
first, "exercising with the utmost freedom all attributes of sovereignty, though av^;<i. 
ing all ostentation of it with the utmost address. They were not so unfit for their 
delicate work, as to be willing to commit power to any who would have used it to 
obstruct their object, or even who would not sympathise with them in hearty zeal for 
its accomplishment. They meant that no man, attached to the monarchy of Eng- 
land through attachment to its church (whether that should turn out to be Papal or 
Episcopal), should have a particle of power to annoy them in the prosecution of 
their great work ; and therefore, if such a man came to live among them, they would 
have it that he should cmne as the subject, not as the sharer, of their government. 
Dexterity as well as nerve had a place in playing so critical a game, and little fit 
would they have been to win it, if they had volunteered to show their hands to his 
Majesty's Privy Council. To exclude churchmen from power, and admit to it other 
dissenters from their own communion, would have been to deprive their act of all 
color, even if otherwise it would have perfectly attained their end. Taking advan- 
tage of their reputation abroad for acting under impulses which observers less saga- 
cious than themselves supposed to be the only ones that had power over their minds, 
they cut off indiscriminately those who did not love their creeds from all participation 
in the government, and were quite willing that others should be stupid enough to 
ascribe to a stupid bigotry of theirs a measure which, had it been seen to be prompt- 
ed, as it was, by the profoundest policy, would have brought down on them, too soon, 
the hard and heavy hand of England. So they had their own way, without any one 
in their own midst to mar it. So they consolidated their institutions, nil, by the 
time when the second generation came forward, they had ' hardened into republics.' 
So they kept up and bequeathed the intense and constant spirit they had brought 
with them. So they stood quietly by their arms, to watch the ^i:n< of the times, 
and do what, from one time to another, might be needful for the keeping of the 
treasure they had no mind to part with. So they were ready to depose and imprison 
a king's governor, as they actually did in Boston, in lGSSjand if matters had then 
gone otherwise in England, they wouid perhaps have antedated the Revolution by 



1 80 Semi- Centennial Discourse, 

are the three heads of that pregnant chapter of their his- 
tory, which records the doings of the first fifteen years of 
Massachusetts. 

The star of Cromwell culminates, and all is fair weather 
in the Puritan colony. He urges on them the present of 
Jamaica, but they have established too friendly a compan- 
ionship with the cutting winds of the Bay to be won 
from them by any tropical voluptuousness. They keep up 
an edifying correspondence with the Protector. They an- 
noy the French and Dutch to his good content. They 
accommodate and satisfy him in every thing except observ- 
ance of his Navigation Laws. These they do not so read 
their charter as to feel bound by. And he sees in them 
so much of his own plausible determination, that he lets 
their contumacy pass, choosing not to seem to notice what 
might be found so difficult to cure. 

But " the king enjoys his own again," and Popery and 
despotism once more shake their gory locks before the 
aching sight of the Massachusetts fathers. Lord Claren- 
don knows all about the charter, and he means that no 
such pretext as it affords shall protect the too ambitious 
spirit of transatlantic liberty in affronting the throne. 
From the Restoration till 1685, twenty-four years, a stub- 
born conflict is going on for its preservation. It is de- 
fended with a boldness, pertinacity, and address that de- 
serve a better fortune, though undoubtedly its interpretation 
had been stretched with a most cpiestionable freedom. 
Connecticut and Rhode Island use perhaps a wise con- 
ciliation, at all events, the result proves it to be a fortu- 
nate one. But resolute and impracticable Massachusetts 
cannot make up her mind to conciliate. She consents to 
no surrender of what she esteems her right ; it is denied 
her, and she waits for the time when she can take redress 
into her own hands. 

The contest for the charter, in which the young people 

nearly a century. So they built firm the foundations of the commonwealths which 
at length did the part of New England, were that little or much, in the War of 
Independence. Blot the franchise laws of the Massachusetts colonists out of history, 
— for the sake of getting clear of the diatribes which .small wits indite upon their 
bigotrv, let in the emissaries of Strafford and Laud into the council-chambers of the 
New England Puritans, end we do not like to say, — for we are modest Yankees, no 
less than well-affectioned, — we do not like to hint, how differently, by this time, the 
history, not only of one continent, but of the other, would have read." 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 1 8 1 

takes a long lesson in the lore of independence, makes 
one of the great features of the period between the dis- 
continuance of the emigration and the conversion of the 
Colony into the Province. The other is the tremendous 
crisis of King Philip's War. Before it is finished, there is 
scarcely a family in Massachusetts or Plymouth, but has 
lost a father, brother, or son. Plymouth has incurred a 
debt estimated to be equal to the whole personal property 
of its people. The sacrifice of life and property in Massa- 
chusetts, between June, 1675, and October, 1676, is greater, 
in proportion to her population and wealth, than that af- 
terwards sustained by her in the whole eight years' War 
of Independence. She met. the exhausting demand almost 
wholly from her own resources. England made no such 
costly struggle ro defeat the Spanish invasion. The 
Netherlands, in the same age, made no efforts at all ap- 
proaching such a disproportion to their means,* It seems 
as if Massachusetts was disposed, at whatever cost, to 
avoid receiving any thing that could be called favor from 
a foreign government, whose control over herself she 
was always intent on limiting as far as possible.! In short, 
they chose to take care of themselves, though they could 
ill afford it, and to give the king as little right as possible 
to appeal to their gratitude when they should be disposed 
to try any bolder experiments on his authority. 

The next period, opening characteristically with the 
insurrection against Sir Edmund Andros, and extending 
to the close of the last French w T ar, exhibits the same 

* Hutchinson speaks of it as " certain, that, as the colony was at first settled, so it 
was now preserved from ruin, without any charge to the mother country. Nay, as 
far as I can judge from the materials I have," he continues, " the collections made 
in the colony, alter the fire of London, for the relief of the sufferers there, and on 
other occasions, for the relief of divers of the plantations, with other public dona- 
tions, from the first settlement until the charter was vacated, will not fall much, 
if any thing-, short of the whole sum that was bestowed upon the colony from abroad, 
during that time." 

t Such appears to be the intimation in a letter of her friend, Lord Anglesey, in 
1676, when he writes, " i must chide you, and that whole people of New England, 
that, as if you were indeoendent of our masters crown, needed not his protection, 
or had deserved ill of him. from the first hour of Cod's stretching forth his hand 
against you to this time, though we have successive and frequent tidings, like Job's 
messengers, of the great devastations and spoils that are made by fire and sword 
upon those plantations, which God hath so signally blessed and made to flourish till 
now, you have net yet, as certainlv became you. made your addresses to the king's 
majesty, or some of his ministers, for his perusal, that he might be authentically in- 
formed both of your enemies and your condition, by what means you are brought 
low, and what are the most proper and hopeful remedies for your recovery." 



132 Semi- Centennial Discourse. 

character of the people in three different series of events, 
— those of the witchcraft delusion, the protracted conliict 
with the French and Indians, and the disputes with the 
colonial governors touching the respective limits of the 
royal prerogative and of the liberties of New England. 

i he provision in the charter of William and Mary for 
the appointment of the executive government by the 
crown, perhaps the only provision in that instrument in 
which it was not better adapted than the old charter to 
the actual condition of the colonists, of course had the 
effect of keeping alive the jealousy and irritation of the 
people against supposed encroachment, and of carrying on 
the discipline of their education for absolute freedom; 
and the reader easily traces in this succession of contro- 
versies the process which formed the principles and men 
of i?7o. 

As to the witchcraft madness, it was, no doubt, a dread- 
ful passage in a majestic movement of events. He who 
will may laugh at the folly, though he would much more rea- 
sonably mourn over the cruelty and the sorrow. But even 
here the great difference between the people of Massachu- 
setts and of other communities whose history bears no 
such stain is, that what both alike professed to believe, 
the former more consistently and honestly acted out. 
To hold an opinion entertained by Sir Edward Coke and 
Sir Matthew Hale, while enjoy ins: no better opportunities 
for correcting that opinion than they, is not to incur the 
reproach of any extraordinary dulness of intellect. The 
men of Massachusetts, being no wiser than those sa^es of 
the law, sincerely believed in the reality of witchcraft 
(the unquestionable integrity of Sewall confirms for us in 
this matter the more suspicious honesty, if we are tempted 
to esteem it such, of Mather and of Stou^hton) ; and 
whatever opinions, upon facts or duties, Massachusetts 
has hold, her habit has been, whether for good or ill, to 
follow them with vigorous action. Deplore as we may 
the grievous infatuation, still, more even than we lament 
and condemn that, may we find cause to applaud the brave 
and constant spirit that never would quail before the awful 
delusion that possessed it. It was no less than the powers 
of darkness that these men believed to be their assailants. 



. 






Semi- Centenn ial Discourse. 1 83 

They imagined the Prince of Hell, with his legions, to be 
among them, the Lord's host, seeking among them whom 
he might devour; and they gave place to him for suhjec- 
tion, no, not for an hour. Set upon by invisible and super- 
natural foes, they thought of nothing but prompt defiance, 
inflexible resistance, and the victory which God would 
give his people. They would have made bare the arm of 
flesh against the Serpent in bodily presence, could he 
have put on an assailable shape ; as it was, they let it fall 
without mercy on those whom they understood to be his 
emissaries. 

The succession of French and Indian wars from 1675 
to 1763 made another long trial of this same indomitable 
character. While the other colonies doubled their popu- 
lation by natural increase in twenty-five years, Massachu- 
setts had not twice as many inhabitants in 1713 as it 
contained fifty years before. Again ; between 1722 and 
1762 the population was not doubled ; and Hutchinson, 
in recording these facts, remarks, " It is probable there 
would have been two hundred thousand souls more than 
there are at this time, if the French had been driven from 
Canada an hundred years ago," While New York, im- 
becile, if not perfidious, patches up a paltry truce with 
the Canadian French and their savage allies, and so leaves 
them free to descend from the Berkshire hills upon our 
unprotected outposts, Massachusetts never deserts her 
position of pertinacious championship. Stretching herself 
across the path of the invader, Rhode Island and Con- 
necticut repose in safety beneath her shield. She makes 
the weight of her courage felt even in the scale of foreign 
politics. By that romantic, one is half tempted to say 
that incredible enterprise, the expedition against Louis- 
burg, she gives peace to Europe by the treaty of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, bringing England with credit out of a four 
years' war, which else would have been an unbroken suc- 
cession of blunders and disasters. She sends seven thou- 
sand men, between two and three times as many as are 
raised bv all the other colonies together, to that later war 
which for ever broke down the power of France on tins 
western continent ; and Ticonderoga, Lake George, Crown 
Point, and Quebec all have their story to tell of her ad- 
venturous valor. 



184 Semi- Centennial Discourse. * 

To meet the expenses of this war, the Stamp Act is 
passed, and that series of arbitrary measures is entered 
upon, which make up the issue whether British Americans 
are to be taxed except by their own representatives, and 
result in the independence of the United Colonies. The 
contest for her charter, the palladium of her liberties, lias 
extended through the whole period of the colonial history 
of Massachusetts, and, when the time comes that she 
must either forego that safeguard or defy at tremendous 
hazard the power which in justice should have respected 
it, then she will be a colony no longer. She publishes 
the claims of freedom in the arguments of her jurists and 
statesmen, and the resolves of her towms and representa- 
tive assemblies ; she strikes the first blow for it on the 
19th of April, 1775, and follows it up with another and 
stronger, two months after; and she furnishes one soldier 
in every three to the armies of the Revolution. 

The peace of independence finds her impoverished and 
exhausted. Patriotism has been strained to its utmost of 
forbearance and sacrifice. Want tempts to disorder ; and 
a portion of her citizens, not without the sympathy and 
countenance of a much larger number, believed to extend 
to not less than a third of her population, are in rebellious 
arms against her authority. But she is not used to truckle 
to menaces from foreign or domestic foe. If it seems to 
be to her shame, that one third of her people, under strong 
distresses, proved mutinous and faithless, it is proportion- 
ally to her praise, that, in such a crisis, she could keep two 
thirds on the right side, and by upright counsels and reso- 
lute action could make the right prevail. She looks first 
to the vital interest of the maintenance of a government 
for the common protection, and pauses not for any other 
care till she has put down the insurrection by the strong 
arm, and delivered its leaders to the last penalty of the 
law they have defied. When they are harmless and peni- 
tent, she proves herself as lenient as she has been firm, 
and dismisses them to the insignificance which her ener- 
gy has shown must always, within her borders, be the 
doom of the lawless agitator. 

Thenceforth, thanks to a gracious Providence, her char- 
acteristic vigor is mostly exercised in the arts of peace. 



» Semi- Centennial Discourse. 185 

The privations and perils of the settlement are matter of 
old history. The notes of Indian, of French and British 
war have died in the distance. Massachusetts is an honor- 
ed member of a confederacy constituting the most power- 
ful of all republics since the fall of Rome. In the course 
of fifty prosperous years, her commerce has found its way 
to every mart of the civilized or barbarous world. Her 
children contentedly till the earth, as did their fathers, and 
find the means of making it yield more liberal returns. 
Tenacious of old habits, she seeks no untried means of 
gain. But the will of others, strangers to her councils, 
determines, that, if she will have a share in the common 
prosperity, her activity must take new forms. She yields 
to the course of things, and her ingenuity and industry 
enrich her through the labors of her artisans. She is 
never remiss as to the supply of the sources of iA\ her 
past prosperity, in the institutions of religion and educa- 
tion. Her ancient spirit of enterprise, assuming peaceful 
forms, aspires to literary eminence, and excites to philan- 
thropic action. She sends out her missionaries to distant 
continents and islands. She originates the astonishing 
movement of the reformation from intemperance. She 
speaks a deep-toned remonstrance against the wrongs of 
the slave. The means, of which, governed by the de- 
mands of the time, she was wont to be so lavish for the 
harsh uses of war, she distributes now with even a freer 
hand in a wise application to the relief of all forms of hu- 
man calamity. She has lived down the detraction of igno- 
rance. By the ways that her wealth and intelligence 
have opened, strangers come from all the quarters to look 
at her prosperity, and own in it the natural product of the 
virtues and the lessons of the Pilgrims. 

Since the institution of societies similar to our own in 
different parts of the country, and the endeavours made 
in other ways in many States of the Union, each for the 
completion of its own history, it may be expected, Gentle- 
men, that your labors will henceforward be still more par- 
ticularly directed to what has always engaged a great 
share of your attention, the illustration of the history of 
this Commonwealth. May the task in all future times be 
as grateful as it has been, in being devoted to the record 

vol. ix. 24 



186 Semi- Centennial Discourse. 

of a virtuous people ; and may they who are to carry on the 
work always prosecute it in the enlightened and devoted 
spirit of those predecessors to the memory of whose meri- 
torious exertions we have consecrated the meeting of this 
day. Our native country, and this part of it certainly not 
less than any other, ought to have its history the most 
fully toid of any nation that has played a part on the thea- 
tre of time. We have no fabulous age. Our origin was 
at a period when means of record and of communication 
were ample ; and many of the prominent actors in our affairs, 
from age to age, have, in their several ways, been copious 
writers. No doubt, time has made irrecoverable spoil of 
much that we might have rejoiced to rescue. Your diligence 
has made rich gleanings in the now silent field ; but not a 
little of its precious produce must still remain unnoticed, 
aiYipiy uGsei'ViOg your care to collect and save, x ou nave 
well entitled yourselves to the confidence of the community, 
and to such encouragement and assistance as circum- 
stances may permit it to afford to your public-spirited ob- 
ject. 

In respect to pecuniary aid from the public whom you 
serve, your claims, to judge from the past, are likely al- 
ways to be of that extreme moderation, which, with the 
sense that prevails of the importance of their object, will 
not permit them to be denied. Your faithfulness in the 
preservation, and your judgment and diligence in the use, 
of the stores you have hitherto gathered have been ap- 
proved by sufficient trial ; and henceforward it is not un- 
reasonable to anticipate that your library will be regarded, 
by any who have the means of adding to its wealth, as an 
eligible place of deposit for materials of historical illustra- 
tion, which, remaining in private hands, will, besides being 
.exposed to chances of loss, be generally of extremely 
small value, compared with what they will assume when 
committed to your care. 

If it be true that the Commonwealth is the safer and 
more virtuous for all that excites its citizens to an emula- 
tion of wise and virtuous progenitors, then the Common- 
wealth, as a body politic, stands deeply indebted to you ; 
and it may appear just for you to look to it for a ready 
patronage, or an effective cooperation, in such of your 



Semi- Centennial Discourse. 187 

undertakings as its intervention may promote. Your pro- 
posal, some years ago, for the adoption of measures on its 
part lor tilling up certain chasms in the provincial history, 
by obtaining copies of records and letters from the English 
offices, was favorably regarded, and suitable legislative 
proceedings were had for the accomplishment of your 
wishes. Circumstances incident to certain relations be- 
tween the two countries have interfered with the execu- 
tion of the plan. But these have now passed away. The 
time seems in all respects propitious. And perhaps there 
is no fitter step for signalizing the commencement of your 
second half century, than by an effort to procure transcripts 
of the public documents of the period of the usurpation 
of Andres; of the Council records from 1692 to 1747; 
of the records of the General Court for ten years or more, 
destroyed in the lire of the latter year, but believed 10 be 
extant in a duplicate in the State Paper Office in Lon- 
don ; and of such papers of the administrations of the 
last English governors as have disappeared from the pub- 
lic archives.* 

If it be true, Gentlemen, that the community should be 
the wiser and better for the lessons you have laid before it 
from its history, it seems to be equally so that the history 
of our society, to which the occasion has invited us to 
look back, should excite us, and those who after us are to 
assume the maintenance of its character, to a sedulous 
emulation of those who before us, and under our eyes, 
have served and honored it. It should be ours to justify 
it in saying, — 

" While I remain above the ground, you shall 
Hear from me still, and never of me aught 
But what is like me formerly. — That 's worthily 
As any ear can hear." 

We have pursued these studies in company which any 
man might desire to enter. At our meetings, from month 
to month, we have had the happiness of accosting men as 
worthy, as enlightened, and as cultivated, as any of us 

* The Historical Society presented a memorial on this subject to the General Court 
of 1845. The Court passed resolves (1845, chapters 3 and IIS) authorizing the 
governor to take measures accordino-ly. The Reverend Joseph B. Felt, long a useful 
member of thus society, received an appointment from his Excellency to make ex- 
aminations and procure copies in the Engli&h offices, and Mr. Benjamin P. Poore, of 
Newbury, in the French. 



188 Semi- Centennial Discourse. 

have known. Some, stealing along a path remote from 
the excitements of the present, seemed to find the great 
jo} r of life in deepening the legends on the tombstones of 
the fathers. Some, loaded with the cares of preserving, 
for the present and the future, what the venerable genera- 
tions gone bequeathed, and keeping the salt from losing its 
savor, seemed to turn from their dusty paths to these mossy 
wells of wholesome instruction, like the tired heart to 
the water-brooks. Happy both, in having learned to re- 
vere such a venerable and instructive antiquity ! Happy 
both, in the inclination to imbibe and enforce such lessons! 
Happy the community, which, sympathizing with such 
minds, trains itself,Jby contemplation of the simple virtues 
of former weak and troubled days, to use prosperity with- 
out giddiness, and power without rashness or pride ! The 
founders of INcvv England lck a rich inheritance iu ilieir 
children, but in nothing so precious as in the memory of 
their wise and steady virtue. May there never be base- 
ness to affront that memory! May there never be in- 
difference to lose or disregard it! May its ennobling ap- 
peal never fail of a quick response in the hearts of any 
generation of dwellers on this honored soil ! 



THE 

NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERACY OF MDCXLJII. 



A DISCOURSE DELIVERED BEFORE THE SOCIETY, ON THE TWENTY-NINTH 
OF MAY, 1845; IN CELEBRATION OF THE SECOND CENTENNIAL ANNI- 
VERSARY OF THAT EVENT. 



BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 



My Brethren of the Massachusetts Historical Society : 
Fellow-citizens, Ladies and Gentlemen : — 

In reviewing the history of this confederated Union, 
one of the first remarks which impresses itself on the 
mind of the philosophical observer is the heterogene- 
ous and conflicting primitive elements of which it was 
composed. It has been said that the most essential quali- 
fications for a historian are to have neither religion nor 
country. And if religion consisted of a blind, unquestion- 
ing zeal in support of speculative dogmas transmitted from 
generation to generation, under the seal of a fisherman's 
ring, and the infallible dictate of a fallible man ; if patri- 
otism were compounded of the mere impulse of passion 
to support, right or wrong, the purposes of the land in 
which you were born, or the community to which you be- 
long, — then, indeed, the devout worshipper and the ardent 
patriot must discard all the emblems of his religion and 
his country, before he may dare to assume the pen of the 
historian. 

History is the record of the transactions of human beings 
associated in communities, — not of all their transactions, be- 
cause there are multitudes of human actions which neither 
the actor nor any other of his fellow-creatures can have any 
possible interest in remembering ; and other greater mul- 
titudes, which the interest of the actor and of all othesr 



190 The JYcw England Confederacy of 1643. 

requires to be buried in oblivion. But whatever in the 
transactions of associated man bears on the causes and 
motives of their congregation into communities, and on 
their corporate existence and well-being, assumes the 
character or* a material for history. 

The history of the United States of America com- 
menced with a bloody revolution and a seven years' war, 
which separated a part of them from the condition of col- 
onies, subject to the sovereignty of the crown of England, 
from which they had received their charters. These char- 
ters as colonies gave them no right either to dissolve their 
allegiance to their common sovereign beyond the seas or 
to form any confederation or al'iance between themselves, 
much less to constitute themselves one people. This com- 
plicated and transcendent act of sovereignty was, and 
could be, performed only by the people themselves, through 
their representatives. As representatives of the colonies, 
they could have no right to dissolve their allegiance ; as 
representatives of the colonies, they could exercise only 
delegated power, and the colonies themselves had no pow- 
er either to dissolve their own allegiance or to form a new 
social compact constituting a new sovereign authority over 
them all. By the dissolution of their ties and oaths of al- 
legiance they dissolved also their connection with their 
country. They were no longer British subjects. They re- 
nounced all claim of protection from the government of 
Great Britain. They held, and declared they held, the 
people of Great Britain no longer as countrymen, fellow- 
subjects, or fellow-citizens ; but as the rest of mankind, 
"enemies in war, in peace friends." 

Their union de facto had existed from the time of the 
first meeting of the Congress at Philadelphia, in Septem- 
ber, 1774; but that union had been formed, not by char- 
tered rights, but by the primitive, natural rights of man, 
revolutionary and transcendental, — the inalienable right 
of resistance to oppression, — the right bestowed by the 
God of nature, preceding all human association, to dis- 
solve a government which fails to discharge the duties 
for which all governments are instituted, — and the result- 
ing right to form and establish a new government to sup- 
ply the place of that which had been dissolved. This 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 191 

dissolution of allegiance was thus proclaimed by the whole 
people of these North American colonies, and, with the 
dissolution of the common allegiance, they declared the 
colonies i)t:e and independent states. They thereby re- 
conferred upon the colonial governments all the author- 
ities which by the charters of the several colonies they 
had possessed, and, without forming one general govern- 
ment for the whole people, left to the people of each 
several State the right of forming for themselves a State 
constitution, and proceeded to form for the whole a con- 
federation of separate and independent States. 

The revolutionary union still continued. The people 
of the several States formed and established their separate 
State constitutions. Four years of time were consumed 
in the painful and laborious preparation, by the joint 
agency of the Genera! Congress and of the State legisla- 
tures, of a confederation, which, when adopted, proved to 
be a body without a soul, — a marble statue, without Pro- 
methean fire. The whole people of the Union were taught 
by severe experience that what they wanted was a com- 
mon government, and that a confederacy is not a govern- 
ment. They commenced their work again as one people, 
and formed the constitution of the United States, — a 
government under which more than one generation of men 
have already lived and passed away ; and which, with the 
blessing of Divine Providence, we may yet hope will 
prove a bond of union to this great and growing nation, 
for untold ages yet to come. At this time, its most immi- 
nent dangers arise not from external aggression, but from 
its prospects and temptations to aggrandizement. The 
territories which originally constituted the domain of the 
North American Union, already so extensive, at the time 
when the constitution was under the consideration of the 
people, as to constitute one of the most formidable objec- 
tions against its adoption, have since that period been 
more than doubled by the acquisition and annexation of 
Louisiana and the Floridas. With the expansion of the 
surface of soil, to be cultivated and replenished by the 
swarming myriads of our future population, men of other 
races, the children of other blood, bred to other opinions, 
accustomed to other institutions, trained to other preju- 



192 The Mew England Confederacy of 1643. 

dices, and disciplined to other principles, have been in- 
vested with the community of our rights, and mingled 
with the tide of our common concerns. It was by the 
accession of foreign conquered nations to the rights and 
privileges of Roman citizens, that the republic degen- 
erated into an empire, and the empire itself was over- 
run and extinguished by hordes of foreign barbarians. The 
people of the United States themselves, who declared and 
achieved their independence, were not all of one com- 
mon origin. The United Netherlands, Sweden, Germany, 
the refugees from religious persecution in France, had con- 
tributed to the still scanty streams of population covering 
the broad surface of the thirteen colonies at the time of 
their political revolution. In the origin of the colonies 
which united to achieve their independence, the most op- 
■noci^" Rid discordant plp'mpritq \vprp> ^nmlninpf] All th^ 
parties, religious and political, which for more than two 
centuries had convulsed and desolated the mother coun- 
try, were now united in harmony against her. The cava- 
lier of the court of James the First had begun the settle- 
ment of Virginia, though the name of the colony dated 
back to the romantic age of Elizabeth. The rigid Ro- 
man Catholic nobleman of Ireland formed the adjoining 
settlement to that of Virginia; while, at a later period, 
the aristocratic republic of John Locke at the south, and 
the hereditary Quaker monarchy of William Penn at the 
north, bordered upon the settlements of "Virginia and 
Maryland. Next to these, Sweden, in the days of Chris- 
tina, and the United Netherlands, emancipated from the 
dominion of Spain, had commenced establishments des- 
tined to fall at an early day, by the right of conquest, in- 
to the hands of the Anglo-Saxon. The spirit of adventure 
in France had already penetrated to those mediterranean 
seas which seem to be but the overflowing of the river 
St. Lawrence, and to the hyperborean skies of Acadia. 

The first English colony upon this continent had re- 
ceived from the Virgin Queen, even before its birth, the 
name, now so illustrious, of Virginia. By her immediate 
successor, James the First, there was granted a territory, 
from the thirtieth to the forty-eighth degree of latitude, to 
two companies of merchants, one residing in London and 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 193 

the other at Plymouth, so that the benefits of the trade 
for which those companies were incorporated might be 
shared alike by the inhabitants of the east and west of 
England. The London company, by its location in the 
metropolis of the kingdom, possessed of course more means 
and larger resources, and obtained, in point of settlement, 
the start of the other. But the same John Smith, who had 
been so distinguished in the settlement of Virginia, had, 
in 1614, visited, for purposes of trade, the northern division 
of the territory, and gave, on his return to England, so 
flattering an account of the country, that Charles the 
First, then Prince of Wales, gave to it, as a token of his 
favor, the name of New England, which thenceforward 
superseded that of Virginia ; — New England, a name still 
dear to our remembrance as a link of connection with the 
land of our forefathers, and of which, I trust, neither we 
nor our successors to the latest generation will ever have 
reason to be ashamed. It is a name peculiarly appropri- 
ate to that portion of the territory of this Union which 
yet bears it, and to the people by whom it is inhabit- 
ed. The name of Yankee, sometimes given to them in 
derision, was, in its origin, but the Indian pronunciation 
of the word English, and, whoever may at any time in- 
cline to couple it with a sarcasm or a sneer, it is the genu- 
ine representative of many of the noblest qualities that 
elevate and adorn the human character. As citizens of 
the great community, we may cordially greet as fellow- 
citizens all whom the constitution and the laws entitle, of 
whatever lineage or descent, and whether entitled to them 
by birth or by adoption ; but the name of New England 
carries with it a code of moral and religious principles, 
imbedded in the seminal institutions of our Pilgrim fath- 
ers of Plymouth and Massachusetts, pure from the foun- 
tain of human rights, gathered from the intermingling 
streams of English liberty, and as yet uncontaininated by 
any the remotest taint of slavery. New England is the 
child of that Puritan race, whom. David Hume, with ex- 
torted reluctance, acknowledges to have been the foun- 
• ders of all the liberties of the English nation. " So power- 
ful," says Dr. Robertson,* " is the attraction of our native 

* History of America, Book IX. 

vol. ix. 25 



194 The Mew England Confederacy of 1643. 

soil, and such our fortunate partiality to the laws and man- 
ners of our own country, that men seldom choose to aban- 
don it, unless they be driven away by oppression, or 
allured by vast projects of sudden wealth " ; and again, 
" Something more than the prospect of distant gain to 
themselves, or of future advantages to their country, was 
requisite in order to induce men to abandon the place of 
their nativity, to migrate to another quarter of the globe, 
and endure innumerable hardships under an untried cli- 
mate, and in an uncultivated land covered with woods, or 
occupied by fierce and hostile tribes of savages. But 
what mere attention to private emolument or to national 
utility could not effect was accomplished by the opera- 
tion of a higher principle. Religion had gradually ex- 
cited, among a great body of the people, a spirit that fitted 
them remarkably iui encountering tiic dangers and cur 
mounting the obstacles which had previously rendered 
abortive the schemes of colonization in that part of 
America allotted to the company of Plymouth.*' He pro- 
ceeds to remark, that the various settlements in New 
England are indebted for their origin to this spirit, and 
that in the course of his narrative would be discerned its 
influence, mingling in all their transactions, giving a pecu- 
liar tincture to the character of the people, as well as to 
their institutions, both civil and ecclesiastical. 

The primary cause, then, of the various settlements of 
New 7 England was religion. It was not the search for 
gold, — it was not the pursuit of wealth, — it was not the 
spirit of adventure. It was not the martial spirit of con- 
quest, which animated our English forefathers to plant 
themselves here in a desert and barren wilderness, to lav 
the foundations of the mightiest empire that the world 
ever saw. It was religion. It was the Christian religion, 
purified and refined from its corruptions by the fires of 
persecution. The first colonists were, indeed, of that class 
of emigrants from their native land driven away by op- 
pression ; but in the settlements of Plymouth and of Massa- 
chusetts, the stern and severe impulses of religion were 
tempered by the tenderest and most attractive sympathies 
of English patriotism. The Plymouth colonists had been 
fugitives from the North of England, who from time to 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 195 

time had escaped by crossing the North Sea to Holland, 
in numbers sufficient to form an English church at Ley- 
den. They had iled from their country for the enjoyment 
of religions liberty in peace. But with that religion was 
inseparably connected the code of Christian morals in its 
simplicity and in its purity, — a code, above all others, 
resting upon the fundamental principle of the natural 
equality of mankind. The English Puritan found in Hol- 
land a refuge from the persecution of his own country- 
men, but he found not his English home, he found not the 
same system of pure morals to which his soul was bound. 
In the lapse of time, he found that his children were 
leaving him and losing the name of Englishmen ; and 
notwithstanding all that he had suffered from the injustice 
of his countrymen, so intense was his attachment to the 
name of England, that, interdicted a^ lie \Vd& from return- 
ing to her bosom, he determined to seek, beyond the At- 
lantic Ocean, at the distance of three thousand miles, in 
the most desolate region of the new hemisphere, a spot 
of earth where he could make for himself an English 
home, and find or create in the wilderness a new Eng- 
land, as the only consolation accessible to his heart for 
the loss of the old. The same spirit is breathed in the 
address from the company of the Massachusetts colony, 
dated at Yarmouth, on the 7th of April, 1630, on board 
of the Arbella. In the fervent spirit at once of piety and 
of patriotism, they earnestly beseech their countrymen 
whom they leave behind to consider them as their breth- 
ren, needing their prayers for the successful accomplish- 
ment of their great and arduous undertaking ; professing 
not to be of those that dream of perfection in this world, 
they yet desire their countrymen to take notice of the 
principals and body of their company, as those who es- 
teem it their honor to call the church of England, from 
whence they rose, their dear mother, and 'could not part 
from their native country, where she especially resided, 
without much sadness of heart and many tears in their 
eyes. In these recorded monuments of the motives which 
prompted the Pilgrims, both of the Plymouth and of the 
Massachusetts colonies, in their emigration to this hemi- 
sphere, may we not clearly discern the peculiar propriety 



196 The New England Confederacy of 1G43. 

with which the name of New England was given to the 
land which they were to inhabit? The profound sense of 
their duty to Cod, — the tender tie of affection for their 
native land, — the Puritan moral principle of equal and 
inalienable rights, — the secret, pungent, and only spur to 
their secession from that dear mother church whom they 
so dearly loved, and yet from whom with such agonizing 
tears they were compelled to part ! O, how was it 
possible that this combination of elementary principles, 
swelling with an irresistible impulse to action in the bo- 
soms of our patriarchal forefathers, could be so signally 
manifested and so deeply rooted in the hearts of all their 
posterity, and in the memory of all mankind, as by adopt- 
ing for their country in the new world the name of that 
which had been the centre of all their affections in the 
old? 

In all the colonial establishments of the European world 
in this hemisphere, there was a question of right by the 
laws of nature and of nature's God, which met the Euro- 
pean adventurer as he landed upon the shore, — the pro- 
prietary right of the prior occupant. By the law of 
nature, independent of all revelation, and by the concur- 
rent testimony of holy writ in the narrative of the crea- 
tion, the earth was given by the Creator to the family of 
man for the purpose of improving the condition of its 
possessor, and power was given them over the lives of 
all other animals on the surface or in the bowels of the 
earth, in the bosom of the waters, or suspended in the 
sky. The Scripture says they were all given to man as 
articles of food, — but no such power was given over his 
brother man. As the exclusive possession of the portion 
of the earth occupied by man for tillage must be held by 
the occupant, at least for a season, the right of exclusive 
property becomes vested, — by the law of nature the right 
of the first occupant ; and by the continuous labor of til- 
lage from season to season, that exclusive proprietary right 
becomes permanent, and includes the right of inciosure 
and of exclusion of all other occupants. Unoccupied 
earth may be used by man Jbr the pursuit of those ani- 
mals given him by the Creator, for food or for pastime ; 
but the earth cannot be used at once for the purposes oi 






• The New England Confederacy of 1643. 197 

the chase and of tillage, which cannot be commenced 
on any given portion of earth, until the animal occupants 
of its soil have been expelled. The European settlors 
on the territories included within the bounds of New- 
England came from their Transatlantic homes as tillers 
of the earth. They came to hold the earth for tillage, 
and of course for exclusive possession. They found the 
country occupied by tribes of wandering savages, without 
permanent habitation, without exclusive occupation, using 
the ground not for tillage, but for hunting, and having 
therefore no exclusive right to the soil. The Indian sav- 
age used the earth only to range over its surface in search 
of prey. The European settler needed it for permanent 
and exclusive possession by tillage. These rights could 
not subsist together. By the law of nature, the right of 

£»or*r> r\"~iV*\7 wo« GITniPf't' to trip f x f\X\f\i'tlir\n r^^ c\ *"> a r'Sf'i'n re r\t\ 

wron£ to the other. The Indian savage w T as bound to 
renounce his right of hunting on so much of the ground 
as was necessary to the European settler for tillage, and 
the European was bound to make a reasonable compen- 
sation to the Indian for the extinction for ever of his 
right of hunting on those identical grounds. But. the 
Indian hunter had no permanent right to the soil to re- 
nounce, and the European settler did him no wrong by 
assuming, after compensating him for his right of hunting 
there, exclusive possession of the soil to himself. Of the 
European settlers on the American continent, the colo- 
nists of New England were the first who ever held them- 
selves bound to respect the right of prior occupancy of 
the Indian savage, and to purchase it of him for an equiv- 
alent. But the Indian could grant no more than he pos- 
sessed, and with the exception of his wigwam, which 
had no permanent location, his only right was to hunt 
and fish within certain determinate metes and bounds. 
The whole territory of New England was thus purchased 
for valuable consideration by the new-comers, and the 
Indian title was extinguished by compact fulfilling the 
law of justice between man and man. The most emi- 
nent writer on the law of nations, of modern times, 
Vattel, has paid a worthy tribute of respect to our fore- 
fathers, for their rigid observance, in this respect, of the 



198 The New England Confederacy of 164 



■j. 



natural rights of the indigenous natives of the country. 
It is from the example of the New England Puritans that 
he draws the preceptive rule, and he awards to them 
merited honor for having established it. 

My Brethren of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
the reputation of our forefathers is the choicest inherit- 
ance and the richest possession they have left us. The 
preservation of their good name from those slanders with 
which they were so bitterly persecuted, and so pertina- 
ciously assailed in their own time, and which, passing 
from age to age, with a perseverance of envy and detrac- 
tion, are yet showered upon them, is one of the preemi- 
nent duties of our society. If justice rules the ball, if 
communities are accessible to the chastisements of future 
retribution, there is a fearful account of wrong, of which 
the civilized white European will be responsible hprp- 
after to the Indian races of this hemisphere for the bal- 
ance. Nor is the account yet closed. We ourselves, as- 
sembled here, are yet witnessing, in silent acquiescence, a 
treatment of the Indian tribes cursed with our protection 
by the government of our national Union, — a treatment 
marked with perfidy as faithless, with oppression as griev- 
ous, with tyranny as inexorable, as ever presided over the 
conquests of Cortes or Pizarro. The history of our ne- 
gotiations for the last ten or twelve years with the Indian 
tribes, and their result, present in sad relief the expulsion 
of the Southern tribes, not only from their hunting-grounds, 
but from their own domain ; from the possession of the 
soil acquired by their conversion, at our instance and under 
our persuasion, from the hunter to the agricultural state. 
From their planted lands, from their comfortable dwell- 
ings, from their domestic hearths, and the sepulchres 
of their fathers, pledged by solemn treaties to their per- 
petual possession, they have been expelled by the rude 
hand of violence, and driven, like herds of cattle, to a 
common receptacle beyond the Mississippi, whence they 
are already threatened again with expulsion by their 
neighbours of Arkansas and Missouri. 

It is not for us, therefore, to charge with injustice er 
cruelty towards the original inhabitants of this continent 
the Puritan English colonists of the seventeenth century. 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 199 
The transition of an extensive region of the "lobe from 



a land of hunters to a land of planters is the metamor- 
phosis of a wilderness into a garden. How pleasing to 
the imagination is the scene, — and yet how afflicting to 
the sense of humanity the process- of the operation ! 
The tenant of the wilderness must be dispossessed or 
withdraw; the game, which furnishes at once his sub- 
sistence and the occupation of his life, must be extermi- 
nated ; flocks and herds of tame animals must take the 
place of the beaver, the buffalo, and the deer ; and the 
tassels of the maize, the waving grass, the bean-pole and 
the pea-vine, must open their ripening fruits to the sun, on 
ground hidden even from the face of the hunter by tan- 
gled thickets, and gnarled oaks, and enormous hemlocks 
in thick array, standing as if in defiance of the genial in- 
II116IJCG of the skv« Yet- hv qom^ rnvstfrious i'j" r of pp- 
ture, man the hunter becomes, in the process of time, so 
attached to his condition, that he inflexibly refuses to 
change it ; he perseveres in his roving pursuits of the 
chase ; he refuses to erect for himself a permanent habi- 
tation ; he neither tills the ground, nor attempts to tame 
the beasts of the field, or the fowls of the air, for his 
use ; he has no genius for the mechanic arts ; he has no 
relish for sedentary labors ; he borrows occasionally from 
the civilized man a blacksmith to sharpen his tools, and 
exchanges his prey from the chase for the rifle, the pow- 
der, and the ball, more expeditious for his own work of 
destruction than his bow r and arrow. He is formed for 
the wilderness, and the wilderness is formed for him. 

The confederation, of which this day is selected as the 
two-hundredth anniversary, was formed between the four 
New England colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, and New Haven. The date of the act of con- 
federation itself is the 19th of May, 1643; it was then 
subscribed at Boston, where it had been negotiated, by In- 
crease Howell, Secretary of the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts, by John Haynes and Edward Hopkins, com- 
missioners from Connecticut, and by Theophilus Eaton 
and Thomas Gre^son from New Haven. The cornmis- 
sioners from Plymouth were Edward Winslow and W il- 
liarn Collier; but although the confederation itself had 



200 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

originated in that colony, and had been first proposed by 
her, she had not authorized her commissioners to con- 
clude, without reference hack to her own General Court, 
which was done, and at the second meeting of the com- 
missioners, held at Boston in September of the same year, 
the commissioners from Plymouth presented an order of 
their General Court of 29th August, 1643, attesting 
that the articles of confederation were read, approved, 
and confirmed by the said court and all their townships, 
and their commissioners authorized to ratify them by their 
subscriptions, which they accordingly did on the 7th of 
September, 1643. 

The parties to this confederacy were the colonies, 
1st, of Plymouth ; 2d, of Massachusetts; 3d, of Connect- 
icut; 4th, of New Haven. 1st, The Plymouth Colony is 
remarkable for having furnished the first example i iA Uiod- 
ern times of a social compact or system of government 
instituted by voluntary agreement, conformably to the 
laws of nature, by men of equal rights, and about to es- 
tablish their permanent habitation as a community in a 
new country. Upon their landing at Plymouth, in the 
dead of winter, they had no charter from their king; and 
no right to the soil upon which they landed. 

The grants of rights and powers for the exercise of 
colonial governments in the colonies were in that age 
exercised by the kings of England. It was a branch of the 
royal prerogative, assumed, but never legalized. The right 
of conquering distant lands inhabited by infidels had 
grown an absurd and unnatural excrescence from the con- 
version of Constantine to the Christian faith. The words 
he had heard in his nightly vision of a crucifix surrounded 
with celestial splendors were, *Ev jovra vtxa, — In this con- 
quer ; — and the imposture itself of that pretended miracle 
affords evidence superabundantly that the impulse of Con- 
stantine to embrace the Christian religion was not the 
adorable doctrines and heavenly precepts of the meek and 
lowly Jesus, but worldly grandeur, imperial power, and 
dominion on the earth. The despotism of imperial Rome, 
engrafted upon the hierarchy of the church, formed the 
system substituted for that of human rights, under which 
mankind has groaned from the age of the Caesars to this 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 201 

day. Jesus Christ had said to the Apostle Peter, — "Thou 
art a rock, and upon this rock 1 will build my church, and 
the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will 
give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven : and 
whatsoever thou shall bind on earth shall be hound in heav- 
en; and whatsoever thou shait loose on earth shall be loosed 
in heaven. 75 Whatever power was conferred upon Peter 
by these words, it is subject to two restrictive conditions. 
First, the kingdom, the keys of which were promised to 
Peter, was not of this world. It was no grant of tem- 
poral power. And secondly, it was a grant exclusively to 
Peter, without any authority to him to devolve the same 
upon any other person, much less authorizing others to 
confer it upon his successors. Yet upon this airy founda- 
tion the church of Rome erected the most stupendous and 
unlimited engine ot power, spiritual and temporal, that 
ever weighed upon the family of man. For the succes- 
sors of Saint Peter assumed that all the kingdoms of the 
earth were to be made kingdoms of heaven, and that the 
persons and property of all nations not already subjected 
to Christianity were, by this donation of Jesus to Peter, 
placed at. their absolute and arbitrary disposal. One of 
the most prominent exercises of this power was the bull 
of Alexander, the 6th of May, 1494, granting to Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella of Spain all the lands west of a line 
drawn from the south pole one hundred leagues west of 
the Azores and Cape de Verd Islands. 

When the kings of England secede«d from the authority 
of the church of Rome, they substituted themselves as 
heads of the church, and assumed all the authority over 
foreign and barbarous nations, for the purpose of convert- 
ing them to Christianity, which had been assumed at any- 
time by the bishops of Rome. They also granted the lands 
of foreign and barbarous nations (as were all those of the 
western hemisphere), without any restriction whatever in 
the exercise of power- over their persons or their property. 
They held their own subjects engaged in such enterprises 
always and everywhere inalienably bound in allegiance to 
them, and declared them always and even/were entitled 
to their sovereign protection. None of these transcenden- 
tal and elementary questions of relative right and power 

vol. ix. 26 



202 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

between the sovereign and the subject, and between the 
European adventurer and the indigenous native of Ameri- 
ca, appear to have arisen in the formation of any other 
colonies than those of New England. 

The Pilgrims of Plymouth landed on a desert within 
the boundaries assigned by the charter of Charles the 
First to the Plymouth company ; but they came not with 
license from the company itself. They came not even 
as English subjects, but as strangers, long exiled from 
her borders by the tyranny of her laws, seeking a place 
of refuge under the protection of another sovereign, but 
cast again by an accident, over which they had no control, 
upon the tender mercies of that ecclesiastical power from 
which they had already found no salvation but by es- 
caping from their country. Without the shadow of blame 
upon themselves, and m the exercise of the purest ener- 
gies that can direct and guide the conduct of men, they 
were outlawed both from England and from the Nether- 
lands ; and the social compact, signed on the deck of the 
Mayflower before their landing, was the necessary result 
of their situation as men in a state of nature, subject to 
no law but that which they consented to impose upon 
themselves. 

In the establishment of the Massachusetts colony, an 
incident had occurred, which, whether intended by those 
who proposed and accomplished it, or merely projected 
for the special convenience of the emigrants, and after- 
wards accommodating itself to their condition and wants 
so as silently to effect a revolution, did certainly change 
the whole system of English colonization, and, by bestow- 
ing upon the colonies themselves an organization perpetu- 
ally tending to independence, gradually predisposed the 
minds and measures of men to that final separation from 
the parent stock which it was impossible not to foresee 
must, in the lapse of ages, prove unavoidable. I speak 
of the transfer of the charter itself to America. Certain- 
ly nothing like this could have been contemplated in the 
original establishment of the company. That was in- 
stituted for purposes of trade, and of which the adven- 
turers who furnished the funds would naturally choose to 
retain the management in their own hands. The charter 



The JSTeio England Confederacy of 1643. 203 

transferred to America was a constitution of government, 
and as such was always considered. It left the liberties 
and the actions of the settlers in the new country entire- 
ly under, their own control, released from the humors and 
prejudices of a court of directors in London. Under that 
management, it would necessarily have followed that all 
the measures of the corporation would have been taken 
with final reference to the interests of the undertakers at 
home. It would have been a company to be enriched, 
and not a people to be governed. The change was a total 
one, a democratic revolution. By the transfer of the char- 
ter to America, the management of the affairs of a joint- 
stock trading company by its members was changed into 
the government of a people, — a pure democracy; and 
in the space of four years after the landing of John Win- 
throp and his company with the charter, the numbers of 
the colony had so much increased and their settlements 
had so expanded, that the natural result of a representative 
democracy forced itself upon them. 

" Notice being sent out," says Winthrop's Journal 
(Savage's Winthrop, I. 128), " of the General Court to be 
held the 14th day of the third month, called May (163 k), 
the freemen deputed two of each town to meet and con- 
sider of such matters as they were to take order in at the 
same General Court ; who, having met, desired a sight of 
the patent, and conceiving thereby that all their laws 
should be made at the General Court, repaired to the 
governor to advise with him about it. He told them, that, 
when the patent was granted, the number of freemen was 
supposed to be (as in like corporations) so lew, as they 
might well join in making laws; but now they were 
grown to so a great body, as it was not possible lor them 
to make or execute laws, kit they must choose others for 
that purpose; and that howsoever it would be necessary 
hereafter to have a select company to intend that work, 
yet for the present they were not furnished with a suffi- 
cient number of men qualified for such a business, neither 
could the commonwealth bear the loss of time of so many 
as must intend it. Yet this they might do at present, 
viz., they might at the General Court make an order 
that once in the year a certain number should be ap- 



204 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

pointed (upon summons from the governor) to revise all 
laws and to reform what they found amiss therein: but 
not to make any new laws, but prefer their grievances 
to the court of assistants ; and that no assessment should 
be laid upon the country without the consent of such a 
committee, nor any lands disposed of." 

To the remark upon this passage of the last editor of 
Governor Winthrop's Journal, that no country on earth 
can afford the perfect history of any event more interest- 
ing to its own inhabitants than that which is here related, 
I will only add that in this transaction, following, as by 
the providential agency of a law of nature, the transfer 
of the charter of Massachusetts to this country, are to be 
found the primordia rerum, the first elements of that 
great republican, democratic, confederated republic, des- 
tined to gather under the shadow of its wings, in its ap- 
pointed time, perhaps the whole continents of North and 
South America. 

The settlement of Connecticut was commenced in 1636 
by Mr. Hooker, with detachments from the inhabitants 
of Newtown, Dorchester, Watertown, and Roxbury. They 
went out from the colony of Massachusetts and with 
some informal warrant from its magistrates, but their loca- 
tion was without the bounds of its charter. In 1631, the 
Earl of Warwick had obtained from Charles the First 
a grant of forty leagues of seacoast westward from the 
mouth of Narraganset River, which had been assigned to 
Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook, and others, among whom 
were John Pym and John Hampden ; and in 1635, a grant 
of sixty leagues of territory, including the Connecticut 
River, had been made by the council at Plymouth to James, 
Marquis of Hamilton; but in 1638, on the 14th of Janu- 
ary, the inhabitants of the towns of Hartford, Weathers- 
field, and Windsor resorted to the usual expedient, of 
which the Plymouth pilgrims had set the first example, 
and formed among themselves a compact or constitution 
of government; ' ; and well knowing where a people are 
gathered together, the word of God requires, that, to main- 
tain the peace and union of such a people, there should be 
an Orderly and decent government established according to 
God, to order and dispose of the arfairs of the people at 



The New England Confederacy of 1613. 205 

all seasons, as occasion should require," — they did there- 
fore " associate and conjoin themselves to be as one pub- 
lic estate or commonwealth, and did for themselves and 
successors, and such as should be adjoined to them at 
any time thereafter, enter into combination and confedera- 
tion together to maintain and preserve the liberty and 
purity of the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, which they 
professed, and also the discipline of the church of Christ, 
according to the truth of said gospel as then preached 
among them; as also, in civil affairs, to be guided and 
governed according to such laws, rules, orders, and decrees 
as should be made, ordered, and decreed, as prescribed in 
the contract"; — that is, that two courts or assemblies 
should be held every year, at one of which election should 
be made of deputies and magistrates, and a governor to 
serve for a single year. 

The colony of New Haven was settled by a company 
who came over from England to Boston in 1637. Its 
most prominent members were Theophilus Eaton and 
Edward Hopkins, merchants of London, and John Daven- 
port, a minister, who, says Neal, came over with a very 
great retinue of acquaintances and followers. They would 
have formed a precious acquisition of strength to the 
Massachusetts colony, the General Court of which offered 
them a grant of any spot within their jurisdiction, upon 
which they could fix their choice. But the spirit of in- 
dependence and self-government, so transcendent over 
all others among the Puritans of that age, and stimulated 
perhaps by personal aspirations of relative dignity and 
consideration, in the bosoms of the leading laymen, or of 
their spiritual guide, prompted them purposely to step be- 
yond the jurisdiction of any charter, and to plant them- 
selves in a valley where they might exercise the sover- 
eignty of nature and establish a constitution ol govern- 
ment founded on the solemnly settled principle, that the 
Holy Scriptures are the perfect rule of a commonwealth, 
and that the exercise of all the powers of government 
should be exclusively committed to the members of the 
church. Such a government they did accordingly insti- 
tute. 

These were the four colonies of New England united 



206 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

in the confederacy of 1643. The existence of four dis- 
tinct communities of men, associated together, each by a 
separate primitive compact, settled on a territory so small 
as that- of New England, and all consisting of one small 
religious sect of Christians, seceders from the church of 
England, may well lead an impartial observer of another 
age to conclude, that, if the spirit, under the impulse of 
which they all acted, was conscientious, it was also con- 
tentious, — contentious far beyond the bounds of Christian 
charity. But there was yet another, a fifth New England 
colony, denied admission into the union, and furnishing, 
in its broadest latitude, the demonstration of that conscien- 
t ; ous, contentious spirit which so signally characterized the 
English Puritans of the seventeenth century, the founders 
of New England, of all the liberties of the British nation, 
and of the ultimate universal freedom of the race of man. 
The founder of the colony of Rhode Island was Roger 
Williams, a man who may be considered the very imper- 
sonation of this combined conscientious, contentious spirit. 
Born in the land of Sir Hugh Evans and Captain Fluel- 
len, educated at the University of Oxford, at the very 
period when the monarchical, episcopal church of Eng- 
land was purging herself as by lire from the corruptions 
of the despotic and soul-degrading church of Rome, he 
arrived at Boston in February, 1630, about half a year 
after the landing of the Massachusetts colony of Governor 
Winthrop. He was an eloquent preacher, — stiff and 
self-confident in his opinions, ingenious, powerful, and com- 
manding in impressing them upon others, inflexible in his 
adherence to them, and, by an inconsistency peculiar to 
religious enthusiasts, combining the most amiable and 
affectionate sympathies of the heart with the most re- 
pulsive and inexorable exclusions of conciliation, compli- 
ance, or intercourse with his adversaries in opinion. On 
his first arrival, he went to Salem, and there soon made 
himself so acceptable by his preaching, that the people 
of Mr. Skelton's church invited him to settle with them 
as his colleague. But he had broached and made no 
hesitation in maintaining two opinions imminently dan- 
gerous to the very existence of the Massachusetts colony, 
and certainly not remarkable for that spirit of charity, or 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 207 

toleration, upon which he afterwards founded his own 
government, and which now, in after ages, constitutes his 
brightest title to renown. The first of these opinions 
was that the royal charter to the colony of Massachusetts 
was a nullity, — because the king of England had no right 
to grant lands in foreign countries which belonged of 
right to their native inhabitants. This opinion struck di- 
rectly at all right of property held under the authority of 
the royal charter, and, followed to its logical conclusions, 
would have proved the utter impotence of the royal char- 
ter to confer powers of government any more than it 
could convey property in the soil. The other opinion was 
that the church of Boston was criminal, for having omit- 
ted to make a public declaration of repentance for having 
held communion with the church of England before their 
emigration ; and upon that ground he had refused to join 
in communion with the church at Boston. 

Other opinions, not less extreme, and shaking the foun- 
dations of human society, w T ere laid to his charge, and 
were by him neither disproved nor disavowed. It cannot 
be surprising, therefore, that, at that period, the interfer- 
ence of Governor Winthrop and his assistants, by remon- 
strance or advice to the church of Salem, should have pre- 
vented his settlement there. He went to Plymouth, and 
was soon settled in the church at that place. They had 
not the crime of communion with the church of England, 
before their emigration, to repent of in sackcloth and 
ashes ; and they had no charter the constitutional validity 
of which could be contested. But extreme opinions on 
principles of morals and radical abstractions affecting the 
origin and right of property are seldom solitary. Para- 
doxes are of a prolific breed ; and Mr. Williams, popular 
as he always made himself in the pulpit, in the course of 
two or three years held forth doctrines producing dissen- 
sion and discord in his Plymouth flock, from which he 
solicited a dismission to the church of Salem, and it was 
granted. 

Abstract truth, when coming into collision with human 
institutions, and asserted with eloquent lips, never fails 
to make its way to the heart of man. In the interval of 
Williams's residence at Ph mouth, Mr. Skelton had died, 



208 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

and his people, now in defiance of the remonstrances of 
the colonial magistrates, elected Williams for their teach- 
er. His hostility to the foundations of the Massachusetts 
colony was neither confined to speculation nor merely 
defensive. It was altogether revolutionary. He denied 
utterly the validity of the colonial charter. Pie refused to 
take the oath of allegiance, and, in retaliation of the re- 
monstrances of the Massachusetts magistrates against his 
election, and of their withholding a grant of a lot of land, 
for which his church at Salem, had petitioned, he pre- 
vailed on that church to write letters of admonition and 
accusation against the magistrates to the churches of 
which they were members. This, in the temper of the 
times, could be considered in no other light than instiga- 
tion to rebellion. At the next General Court, Salem was 
disfranchised till an apology should be made. This brought 
to a crisis the continued existence of the Massachusetts 
colonial government itself. The people of Salem sub- 
mitted, apologized, and returned to their allegiance. The 
insurrection was subdued, tranquillity restored, — all was 
quiet, "prteter atrocem an'imum Catonis." 

Williams had, by the subtlety and vehemence of his 
persuasive powers, prevailed upon Endicott to look upon 
the cross of St. George in the banners of England as a 
badge of idolatry, and to cause it actually to be cut out 
of the flag floating at the fort in Salem. The red cross 
of St. George in the national banners of England was a 
grievous and odious eyesore to multitudes, probably to a 
great majority, of the Massachusetts colonists'; but in the 
eyes of the government of the colony, it was the sacred 
bad^e of allegiance to the monarch v at home, alreadv 
deeply jealous of the purposes and designs of the Puritan 
colony. The charter itself was in imminent and daily 
danger of revocation, under the influence of Laud ; and 
nothing could be more clearly indicative of a spirit of 
total independence than the exclusion of the cross from 
the colonial standard. At the next ensuing election, 
Endicott was left out of the magistracy, called to account 
before the General Court, and sentenced as for a great 
offence, — admonished and disabled for one year from 
bearing any public office ; his judges declining any heavier 



TJie New England Confederacy of 1643. 209 

sentence, because they were persuaded he did it out of 
tenderness of conscience, and not of any evil intent. 

Mr. Williams now, in the farther indulgence of his con- 
scientious contention, required his church to break off 
from communion with all the churches, not only of Old, 
hut of New England. They were all unregenerate, and 
all communion of the regenerate with the unregenerate 
man was sin. His church staggered and paused. He 
gave them warning, that, if they would not separate from 
ail contaminating communion with the unregenerate, he 
would separate himself from them ; and the deed followed 
the word. He opened a conventicle in his own house, 
not unattended with followers, and quarrelled with Ids 
wife for persevering to worship with that church which 
he had excommunicated as unregenerate. Can we blame 
the founders of the Massachusetts coion ,r for banishinc 
him from within their jurisdiction ? In the annals of re- 
ligious persecution, is there to be found a martyr more 
gently dealt with by those against whom he began the 
war of intolerance, — whose authority he persisted, even 
after professions of penitence and submission, in defying, 
till deserted even by the wife of his bosom, — and whose 
utmost severity of punishment upon him was only an or- 
der for his removal, as a nuisance, from among them? 
They would have sent him to England for a trial far 
otherwise severe; but he escaped from their pursuit, and, 
after wandering a winter lon^ anions the Indian savages, 
whom he had attached to him by his reverence for their 
rights, he attempted first to make a settlement at See- 
konk, but, finding that within the Plymouth jurisdiction, 
finally alighted at a spring at the head of a creek beyond 
all the chartered grasp of civilized man, and called it 
Providence. 

And here it was that he finally obtained, by means of 
grants of lands from the Indians in that region and in 
the neighbouring island of Aquidneck, and lastly of a 
charter from the monarch of England, the occasion of 
establishing a colony upon his own darling principles of 
religious toleration and political democracy. 

From the moment they were delivered of his presence, 
there appears never in the Massachusetts colony the slight- 

vol. ix. 27 



210 The New England Confederacy of 1645. 

est disposition to persecute or molest him. It was by the 
advice of Governor Winthrop, given in a private letter, 
and encouraging him from the frecness of the place from 
English claims or patents, that he steered his course to 
the Narraganset Bay. Winslovv, from the Plymouth colo- 
ny, visited him, and put a piece of gold into the hands 
of his wife for their supply. And in the Pequot war of 
1637, the English of Massachusetts employed him to make 
a league, offensive and defensive, with the Narraganset 
Indians, which he accomplished. 

The settlement of Roger Williams at Providence was 
made in 1636. The deed of the sachems, Canonicus, 
and Miantonomy, of his lands, was dated two years later, 
and contemporaneous with it to a day was their grant to 
William Coddington and his friends of the island of 
&quidaeek s afterwards, now, and for all future time, 
known by the honorable name of Rhode Island ; the 
joint government of which, under the form of a perfect 
modern democracy, and by the name of the colony of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, was first char- 
tered by the usurped authority of the Long Parliament, 
then deeply tinged with aristocracy by a charter from the 
restored Stuart, Charles the Second, and recently, by a 
fearful political convulsion, reinvested by her own people 
in the attributes of democracy, modified by her more en- 
larged existence as a member of this 2;reat North Ameri- 
can Union. 

At the formation of the New England union, this col- 
ony solicited admission to the same, which was refused 
unless they would submit themselves to the jurisdiction 
of the Plymouth colony, which they declined. 

The union then consisted of four separate, independ- 
ent communities, in a great measure self-formed ; the 
vital principle common to them all being religious con- 
tention, — and the quickening spirit, equal rights, free- 
dom of thought and action, and personal independence. 

On the formation within our own times of the present 
North American confederacy, the Commonwealth of Penn- 
sylvania assumed, as the motto to her arms, the words. 
" Virtue, Liberty, and Independence." Her neighbouring 
sister, New York, under a prophetic transport, prouder, if 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 211 

not more sublime, assumed, as the emblem of her futurity, 
with the image of the rising sun, the aspiring, solitary 
word, Excelsior, Massachusetts, as if mindful of the 
whole history of her existence, from the tempest-tossed 
trials and dangers of the Mayflower Pilgrims till the con- 
summation of her own social compact in her State consti- 
tution, borrowed from Algernon Sidney the profound 
thought, that the only end worthy of the nature of man, 
of a struggle for liberty, is the enjoyment of peace and 
quiet, and taught her sons to be ever ready to draw 7 the 
sword in her defence. 

The New England confederation originated in the 
Plymouth colony, and was probably suggested to them 
by the example which they had witnessed, and under 
which they had lived several years, in the United Nether- 
lands. Edmund Burke has called the Puritan spirit the 
Protestantism of the Protestant religion. Set aside the 
contentious element in the religious fervor of the Puri- 
tans, and you perceive no more adequate motive for Mr. 
Hooker and his little flock to seek an independent sub- 
sovereignty beyond the Massachusetts charter at Hart- 
ford, nor for Mr. Theophilus Eaton and Mr. Davenport 
to step again beyond the bounds of the Connecticut set- 
tlement to erect a new commonwealth at New Haven, 
than there was for Roger Williams to set up his standard 
of free thought and democracy at Providence. One col- 
ony would, for all purposes except that of religious con- 
troversy, have been amply sufficient to cover the whole 
surface of New England ; and far more efficient for self- 
defence against the formidable and ferocious enemies by 
whom they were surrounded. For at the north they had 
to contend with the pretensions of a French settlement 
of Acadia, and at the west with that of Canada, under 
grant from the kings of France ; while at the south, in 
the immediate vicinity of Connecticut River, the Dutch 
settlers of the Manhadoes were already contesting the 
possession of it with them. 

The Plymouth Pilgrims, from the time of their landing, 
lived for years in peace and harmony with the neighbour- 
ing Indians. The spot on which they built their town 
was, with regard to any right of occupancy or possession 



212 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

by the Indians, a derelict. It was found a perfect soli- 
tude. The first Indian chief who came among them, in 
March, after their landing, Samoset, told them, says the 
relation of Mourt, that the place where they lived was 
called Patuxet, and that, about four years before, all the 
inhabitants had died of an extraordinary plague ; and 
there was neither man, woman, nor child remaining; so 
that there was none to hinder their possession or lay claim 
to it. With the nearest neighbouring chieftain or sachem 
they shortly afterwards had friendly intercourse, and 
formed a league of amity. This was Massasoit, the chief- 
tain of Massachusetts, with whom they continued in friend- 
ship throughout his life, and from him received the grants 
of lands as the borders of their settlements were en- 
larged. In the course of the first year of the colony, 
nine of the chiefs subordinate to Massasoit came in and 
acknowledged themselves to be the subjects of King 
James ; but among them were at least some whose ideas 
of subjection were not very accurately defined, or whose 
principles of good faith were not very deeply seated in 
their souls. 

The Plymouth Pilgrims had no ambition of conquest, 
and no purpose of injustice to the natives of this hemi- 
sphere mingled up with their migration for settlement. 
But the seeds of jealousy, hatred, and war between them 
had already been sown before their arrival. There had 
been, for several years, transient intercourse between the 
two races by the occasional visitation and landing of trad- 
ing adventurers, French as well as English ; and scenes 
of fraud, violence, and even bloodshed had embittered the 
passions of the Indians against the intruder upon his na- 
tive soil. The country was besprinkled, it could not be 
said peopled, by scattered tribes almost always at war 
with one another. There were probably not thirty thou- 
sand of them dotting a surface of territory which at this 
day maintains a population exceeding two millions. 

Of their numerous tribes of smaller account, whose 
names have scarcely been preserved, there were, besides 
those ranging over the domain of Massasoit, three, ever 
arrayed in hostility for mutual destruction, and whose 
existence, and combinations, and oppositions were equally 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 213 

portentous of destruction to the infant colonies from 
Europe, — the Pequots, the Mohegans, and the Narra- 
<ransets. 

The first exterminating conflict of the races was with 
the Pequots inhabiting that portion of Connecticut where 
now stands New London, and along the borders of the 
Thames. The aggression and the first act of warfare came 
from them. The design of exterminating all the English 
settlements in New England was first conceived "and 
matured by them. 

In 1634, the master and crew of a trading bark from 
Massachusetts had been treacherously murdered by men 
.of this tribe on the Connecticut River. They averted 
war to avenge this act, by alleging that it had been in 
self-defence, and by a deputation with presents and 
promises to ueJivei up the murderers. In iu»_j7, after an 
abortive expedition under the command of Endicott, and 
the murder of John Oldham near Block Island, a joint 
force from Connecticut and Massachusetts, in one short 
campaign, by fire and sword, exterminated the Pequot 
nation, leaving scarcely a solitary remnant of them to tell 
the tale. 

Such was the result of the first war between the colo- 
nists of New 7 England with the Indians included within 
their borders. Its origin had been by the murder of 
individuals belonging to the Connecticut settlement. Its 
termination had been accomplished by the means of aux- 
iliary force levied by the principal colony of Massachu- 
setts. One tribe was exterminated. But all the colo- 
nies were surrounded and intermingled with others be- 
tween whom and their people collisions of temper and 
of property were continually occurring, which threatened 
the existence of each of the separate colonies, and were 
daily maturing to a general conspiracy of the Indian tribes 
for the total destruction of all the colonies. 

The course of events in the Pequot war had brought 
home to the feelings of the colonists, in the several estab- 
lishments, the necessity of an organized union for the 
common defence against their numerous enemies, civi- 
lized and savage, When the first expedition under Endi- 
cott was despatched from the Massachusetts colony in 



214 The Neio England Confederacy of 1643. 

1637, Winslovv was sent from the governor and council 
of Plymouth to treat with them about joining in it. The 
obvious and urgent motives to the union, and the difficul- 
ties to be adjusted in its formation, were then fully dis- 
cussed ; there was mutual apology and explanation to 
account for the fact, that there had not been earlier move- 
ments towards united exertions to meet the emergency 
of the time. Winslow had been instructed to propose 
that the parties should engage to aid each other in all 
their occasions, &:c, which was declined for the present, — 
the government of Massachusetts preferring to reserve to 
themselves the right to judge the reasons of any such oc- 
casion as might fall out. They urged, however, immedi- 
ate considerations to induce the Plymouth colony to fur- 
nish present aid, which the speedy conclusion of the war, 
Bowevci, x^xxci^i^ot uiii»o^v>so>tir\ , unu tu to uiu pioner or a 
permanent and general confederacy, they concluded to 
write further to them after the next General Court. 

The extermination of the Pequot tribe struck such ter- 
ror over all other Indian nations of New England, that 
several years passed away without further molestation from 
them. The region within the domain of Massasoit re- 
mained faithful to his engagements, and his followers 
never joined in any of the projects hostile to the colonial 
settlements. But the tribes in more immediate proximity 
to the Pequots, the Mohegans and the Narragansets, con- 
tinued in a state of convulsive agitation. They had long 
been, with occasional intervals of quiet, at war with each 
other ; there was a rancorous feeling of mutual hostility 
of long standing always stimulating them to war. 'Uncas, 
sachem of the Mohegans, had attached himself warmly, and 
as faithfully as the fickle character of Indian fidelity would 
admit, to the interests of the English colonists; and Ca- 
nonicus, sachem of the Narragansets, from motives of poli- 
cy, as well as from impulses of a better nature, though 
unable to preserve the peace between his tribe and the 
Mohegans, had, by concessions and submissions, averted 
the fatal enmity of the strangers from beyond the seas. 
His nephew, Miantonomy, repeatedly summoned to Bos- 
ton to account for movements of ill-repressed hostility* 
and bound by acknowledgments of subjection and by 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 215 

stipulations of peace with the Mohegans, under the 
umpirage and guaranty, of the colonists, finished by a 
sudden and treacherous attack upon Uncas, in which, 
however, he was defeated, taken prisoner, and put to 
death. 

The confederation of the New England colonies was 
formed. The motives for its formation are thus explicitly 
declared in the preamble to the eleven articles of which 
it is composed. " Whereas we all came into these parts 
of America with one and the same end and aim,, namely, 
to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to 
enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity, with peace; 
and whereas, in our settling (by the wise providence of 
God), we are further dispersed upon the seacoasts and 
rivers than was first intended, so that we cannot, accord- 
ing to Gu.' desire, with convenience communicate in unu 
government and jurisdiction ; and whereas we live encom- 
passed with people of several nations and strange lan- 
guages, which may hereafter prove injurious to us and 
our posterity ; and forasmuch as the natives have for- 
merly committed sundry insolencies and outrages upon 
several plantations of the English, and have of late com- 
bined themselves against us ; and seeing by reason of 
the sad distractions in England, which they have heard 
of, and by which they know we are hindered both from 
that humble way of seeking advice and reaping those 
comfortable fruits of protection which at other times we 
might well expect: We therefore do conceive it our 
bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a present con- 
sociation, amongst ourselves, for our mutual help and 
strength in all our future concernments; that, as in nation 
and religion, so in other respects, we be and continue one, 
according to the tenor and true meaning of the ensuing 
articles. 

" 1. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and 
between the parties or jurisdictions above named (Mas- 
sachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven), and 
they do jointly and severally by these presents agree*%rH.d 
conclude, that they all be, and henceforth be called by the 
name of, the United Colonies of New England" 

And now comes the act of sovereign power. " 2. The 



216 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

said United Colonies, for themselves and their posterities, 
do jointly and severally hereby enter into a iirm and per- 
petual league of friendship and amity for offence and de- 
fence, mutual advice and succour upon all just occasions, 
both for preserving and propagating the truth and liber- 
ties of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and 
welfare." 

The third article is a mutual guaranty to each juris- 
diction of all the settlements within its own limits, with 
a stipulation against the admission of any other jurisdic- 
tion, or the union of any two of the jurisdictions in one, 
without the consent of the rest. 

The fourth provides that the charge of all just wars 
shall be borne in proportion to the numbers of male pop- 
ulation from sixteen to sixty years of age, inhabitants of 
each jurisdiction. The commissioners for each jurisdic- 
tion were to bring in returns of their numbers and ac- 
counts of the charges of war, whether by service of men 
or otherwise ; each jurisdiction or plantation to rate 
itself for the payment without the interference of the 
confederation ; and the advantage of the war, whether in 
lands, goods, or persons, were to be divided among the 
confederates in the same proportions. 

The fifth stipulates the manner of claiming and obtain- 
ing aid by each jurisdiction from the others, when in- 
vaded by any enemy whomsoever. Upon the notice and 
request of any three magistrates of the invaded jurisdic- 
tion, the rest of the confederates were forthwith to send 
aid in the proportion of one hundred men for Massachu- 
setts to forty-live of each of the other confederates ; 
the men to be armed and provided for the service and 
journey by their own jurisdiction, and, on their return, to 
be victualled, and supplied with powder and shot, by the 
jurisdiction which sent for them. Each jurisdiction might 
furnish voluntary aid to its next neighbour in completing 
their respective quotas : and at the first meeting of the 
commissioners, the cause of the war was to be duly con- 
sidered, and if it appeared that the fault lay in the in- 
vaded jurisdiction or plantation, the whole charge of the 
war and of making satisfaction to the invaders was to he 
borne by the wrong-doers themselves. 



The JYeio England Confederacy of 1G43. 217 

In the event of a threatened invasion, any three magis- 
trates, or two, if there were no more in the jurisdiction, 
might summon a meeting of the commissioners at any 
convenient place, whence they might remove to any 
other place at their discretion, to consider and provide 
a ,r ainst the threatened danger. 

The sixth article was the constitution of the commis- 
sion ; two members from each of the four jurisdictions, all 
in church fellowship, with full powers from their several 
general courts respectively to hear, examine, weigh, and 
determine all affairs of war or peace, leagues, aids, 
charges, and numbers of men for war, division of spoils, 
or whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving of more 
confederates or plantations into combination with any 
of these confederates, and all things of like nature, which 
are the p*opci eoucoujiLtnU or consequences of such a 
confederation for amity, offence, or defence ; not inter- 
meddling with the government of any of the jurisdic- 
tions, which by the third article is preserved entirely to 
themselves. The agreement of the eight commissioners 
was sufficient for the carrying into execution any proposed 
measure ; but the agreement of six required a reference to 
the four general courts ; the unanimous concurrence of 
which was required for the prosecution of the measure 
by ail the confederates. The commissioners were to meet 
once every year, the first Thursday in September, besides 
extraordinary meetings, according to the fifth article. The 
meetings to be held alternately at Boston, Hartford, 
New Haven, and Plymouth, but twice in succession at 
Boston. Some middle place, convenient for all the juris- 
dictions, might be afterwards substituted. - 

Article 7. The commissioners, or any six of them, 
were authorized at each meeting to choose from among 
themselves a president, whose ofiice and work should be 
to take care and direct for order and a comely carrying 
on of all proceedings at the present meeting. But he 
had no power to hinder the propounding or progress of 
any business, or to cast the scales, otherwise than as above 
agreed. 

The eighth article provides, first, that the commissioners 
shall endeavour to frame and establish agreements and or- 

vol. ix. 23 



218 The JYew England Confederacy of 1643. 

ders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the 
plantations are interested for preserving peace amongst 
themselves and preventing (as much as might be) all 
occasions of war, or differences with others, — as about the 
free and speedy passage of justice in each jurisdiction, 
to all the confederates equally as to their own ; receiving 
those that remove from one plantation to another with- 
out due certificate ; how all the jurisdictions might carry 
it. towards the Indians, that they neither grow insolent, 
nor be injured without due satisfaction, lest war break in 
upon the confederates through such miscarriage. And 
secondly, there was a double provision for the delivery 
up of a fugitive servant, upon the certificate of one magis- 
trate, or other due proof, and of criminal fugitives from 
justice, on the certificate of two magistrates ; and if 
iicip Miouiu oe required for inc acne returning of any 
offender, it was to be granted to him that craved the 
same, he paying the charges thereof. 

The ninth article cautiously guarded against the in vol v- 
ments of the confederacy in any hasty or inconsiderate 
wars, by a positive stipulation that neither of the four 
confederates should begin, undertake, or engage them- 
selves or the confederation, or any part thereof (sudden 
exigents, to be moderated as much as the case would per- 
mit, excepted), in any war whatsoever, without the con- 
sent of the commissioners, or of at least six of them. 
And no charge was to be required of any of the confeder- 
ates, in case of a defensive war, till the commissioners 
should have met and approved the justice of the war, and 
have agreed upon the sum of money to be levied, which 
was then to be paid by the several confederates according 
to the established proportion. 

By the tenth article it was agreed, that, in extraordi- 
nary occasions of meetings of commissioners summoned by 
the due number of magistrates, if any of the members ot 
the commission should fail to attend, four of them should 
have power to direct a war which could not be delayed, 
and to send for due proportions of men out of each juris- 
diction, as six might do if all were present, :?—. but not 
less than six should determine the justice of the war, or 
allow the demands or, bills of charges, or cause any levies 
to be made for the same. 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 210 

And finally, it was agreed that the confederacy should 
he perpetual, and that, if any of the confederates should 
break any of these articles, or he any other way injurious 
to any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agree- 
ment or injury should be duly considered and ordered by 
the commissioners for the other jurisdictions, so that 
both peace and the confederation might he entirely pre- 
served without violation. 

In the analysis of this institution, we perceive, first, the 
exercise of sovereign power in its highest attributes. It 
is a league offensive and defensive between four separate 
communities, independent of each other, for the manage- 
ment of their common concerns, involving peace and war, 
and all those relations of intercourse in peace with other 
tribes or communities in which the interest of all the con- 
federates was concerned. Every other object of govern- 
ment was reserved exclusively to the separate jurisdic- 
tions. The distribution of power hetween the commis- 
sioners of the whole confederacy and the separate govern-r 
ments of the colonies was made upon the same identical 
principles with those which gathered and united the thir- 
teen English colonies, as the prelude to the revolution 
which severed them for ever from their national connection 
with Great Britain. The New England confederacy of 
1643 was the model and prototype of the North American 
confederacy of 1774. In neither of the two cases was 
the measure authorized or sanctioned by the charters of 
the several colonies parties to the compact. In both cases 
it was the great law of nature and of nature's God, — the 
law of self-preservation and self-defence, w 7 hich invested 
the parties, as separate communities, with power to pledge 
their mutual faith for the common defence and general 
welfare of all. The New England colonists, conscious 
of this self-assumed sovereignty, expressly allege the sad 
distractions of their mother country, depriving them of her 
protection, and encouraging their enemies to combine for 
their destruction, as concurring with the other causes to 
impose upon them the duty of rallying all their energies 
for their own defence. The North American colonies, for 
the same assumption of sovereign power, appealed to 
their chartered rights as Britons, — r and, finding that appeal 



220 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

fruitless and vain, to their natural rights as men, bestowed 
upon them by their Creator at their birth, and unextin- 
guishable by human hands or human institutions. The 
compact of the New England colonies, without the sanc- 
tion of their sovereign, was yet not against him. The 
union of the North American colonies turned the artil- 
lery of sovereignty against the sovereign himself, and 
demolished the -throne of the oppressor with ordnance 
drawn from his own arsenals. 

The first of the reasons assigned by the parties to the 
New England confederacy for their consociation is the 
common purpose of their emigration from Europe and 
settlement in this hemisphere, —to advance the kingdom 
of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of 
the gospel in purity, with peace. This purpose was two- 
fold, and necessarily imported a system of national poli- 
cy, — -the propagation of the gospel, bearing upon their 
relations with the aboriginal natives of the country, — 
and the enjoyment of their religious liberties, regulating 
their domestic relations among themselves, and their de- 
pendent condition on their sovereign and their country 
beyond the seas. 

Neither of these purposes formed any part of the 
motives for the North American union of 1774. .The 
propagation of the gospel in JYew England had, in the 
interval of more than a century, been consummated, so 
far as it was consistent with the wise purposes of Divine 
Providence that it ever should be consummated, partly 
by the conversion, but far more by the extinction, of the 
Indian race. In other and distant parts of our Union, 
we still continue to exterminate, under the semblance oi 
civilizing and Christianizing the hapless remnants of the 
American hunters, of whom, within the compass of one 
more century, probably nothing will remain but a tradition. 

The other object of the Puritan pilgrims, in departing 
from the land of their nativity and their forefathers to 
populate a wilderness, the free enjoyment of their reli- 
gion, was fully and successfully accomplished before the 
occasion for the North American union arose. Religion 
had ceased to be the cause or even the pretext for wars 
between Christian nations ; and the contentious spirit ot 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 221 

metaphysical casuistry no longer sharpened the discord- 
ant passions of man, when they turned to the primitive 
rights of man antecedent to ail human association, and 
to the harmonious adjustment of the rights of persons 
and of property granted by the God of nature to his crea- 
ture endowed with an immortal soul, perishable on earth, 
but destined to a purified nature and a more exalted 
world. 

The New England confederacy was confined to the 
Puritan emigration from England. Its elements were all 
homogeneous in their nature, and its professed design 
to continue them one in political organization, as they 
were in nation and religion, was of no difficult achieve- 
ment. 

Yet the New England confederacy was destined to a 
life of less than forty years' duration. Its history, like 
that of other confederacies, presents a record of inces- 
sant discord, — of encroachments by the most powerful 
party upon the weaker members, and of disregard, by all 
the separate members, of the conclusions adopted by the 
whole body. Still, the main purpose of the union was 
accomplished. The concerted organization of the In- 
dian tribes was counteracted and defeated for the space 
of at least thirty years, during which period the united 
colonies had been growing in strength, which brought 
them triumphant out of the fiery ordeal of Philip's war. 
Nearly contemporaneous with that event was the disso- 
lution of the New England union. In the progress to- 
wards that issue, the condition of the parties to the con- 
federacy had materially changed. The colony of New 
Haven had been voluntarily merged in that of Connect- 
icut, — the high contracting parties had sunk one of 
their number. The commissioners were only six, instead 
of eight ; and for the last twenty years, their meetings, 
instead of being annual, were held only once in three 
years. The final dissolution of the confederacy was effect- 
ed by the tyranny of James the Second, in seizing and 
vacating the charter of the Massachusetts and Plymouth 
colonies; but even before that act, it would seem, that, for 
six or seven years, not even the triennial meetings had been 
held. The last meeting of the commissioners, as appears 



222 The New England Confederacy of 1643. 

in Mr. Hazard's excellent collection of their records, hears 
date in March, 1678. 

Of the North American confederacy, self-constituted in 
the progress of the revolution which converted the thir- 
teen English colonies into independent states, New Eng- 
land forms a constituent part, — at that time, perhaps, 
transcending in power and importance all the rest, hut, in 
the gradual lapse of time, by the relative rapidity in 
growth of other parts of the Union, and especially by the 
accession of new memhers of different origin, now greatly 
reduced and daily declining in her influence as a com- 
ponent part of the Union. She has, indeed, in a great 
degree, insensibly lost her distinctive character; divided 
into six separate States, and covering a surface of territory 
and an amount of population scarcely equal to that of the 
single Siaie of I\evv York, the connection of her States 
has no closer cement of institution or of intimacy than 
with the other States of the whole Union. The intensely 
religious feelings and prejudices of her infancy have given 
way to universal toleration, and a liberality of doctrine 
bordering upon the other extreme of a faltering faith. 
New England, as a community, has, by her incorporation 
in the North American Union, lost her distinctive charac- 
ter, and, to a superiicial observer, little remains of her but 
the name. As a portion of the great community of the 
North American Union, the unity and simplicity of her 
character, without being totally extinguished, have been 
transformed into one component part of a stupendous re- 
publican empire, — an empire already bounded only by the 
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and, to the eye of prophetic 
inspiration, to be hereafter bounded only by the eternal 
ice of the northern and southern pole. 

My Brethren of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 
we have been told that it was a day-dream of our Puritan 
forefathers, the first settlers of New England, that they 
were destined to be the founders of such an empire. 
The foundation upon which they held this edifice was to be 
erected was the natural equality of mankind, and the two 
eternal pillars upon which it was to stand were civil and 
religious liberty. The natural equality of mankind, a doc- 
trine which thev imbibed from the sacred fountain ot the 



The New England Confederacy of 1643. 223 

Scriptures, taught in the history of the creation, and form- 
ing the foundation of the religion of Jesus, settled it for 
ever that this empire must be that kingdom of Christ 
against which the gates of hell shall not prevail. For 
this foundation, the natural equality of mankind, — and for 
these two pillars, civil and religious liberty, — the North 
American Union, to whatever extent of dominion and 
whatever succession of ages destined to endure, will be 
for ever indebted to the Puritan fathers of New England. 
Let our prayer ascend to Heaven, and our energies on 
earth be applied, 10 improve and perpetuate the blessings 
left by them as our inheritance 

"To the last syllable of recorded time." 



MEMOIR OF JAMES BOWDOIN. 



The publication of the Winthrop Papers, which con- 
stitute a considerable portion of the present volume, 
furnishes a fit. opportunity for paying a brief tribute to 
tne memory Gi a, gentleman wnOj ioi many >cais, Ucis 
among the most active and valuable members of our 
society. These Papers were most carefully and labori- 
ously copied, and prepared for the press, by Mr. James 
Bowdoin, and, since his death, have been communicated 
for the society's Collections by his brother, Mr. Robert 
C. Winthrop. 

Mr. Bowdoin was the second son of the late president 
of this society, Lieutenant-Governor Winthrop. He was 
born in Boston, on the 23d of July, 1794; and after re- 
ceiving his preparatory education, partly at the public Latin 
School in this city, and partly at Phillips Academy in 
Andover, was graduated at Bowdoin College in 1814. 

Mr. Bowdoin was a lawyer by profession, having pur- 
sued his legal studies under the direction of the late 
Honorable William Prescott. Having received a compe- 
tent fortune, however, from the relative whose name he 
bore, he soon relinquished the practice of the law, and 
devoted himself to pursuits of literature and science. He 
was particularly inclined to historical studies, and his pri- 
vate library was a rich storehouse of antiquarian and his- 
torical learning. 

He was a man of retired habits and disposition, and 
shrunk from any public display of the rich qualities oi 
mind and accomplishment which he unquestionably pos- 
sessed. As a member of the State legislature for several 



Memoir of James Bow thin. 



22- 



successive years; as the secretary of the Provident Insti- 
tution for Savings, as a director of the Asylum for Indi- 
gent Boys, and as a member of the school committee of 
Boston, he rendered, valuable services to the cause of 
education, chanty, and sound legislation. 

But he devoted himself more especially to objects con- 
nected with the design of this association, and our Col- 
lections bear repeated testimony to the diligence and dis- 
crimination of his researches. No labor was" too dry or too 
severe for his unwearied assiduity. The chronological 
index to the ten volumes of the second series of our Col- 
lections was wholly his work, and the general index of 
the last four volumes of the series was prepared by him in 
connection with a friend. He furnished to the second vol- 
ume of the third series an elaborate account of some Par- 
liamentary Journals which had long been the subject of 
interesting speculation in New York, in an article which 
affords an admirable illustration of the patience and thor- 
oughness of his investigations. 

Mr. P3owdoin had laid out many plans of literary and 
historical labor for enriching future volumes of our Col- 
lections. But disease and death arrested their execution. 
In the winter of 1832, he was compelled to abandon his 
pursuits and his home, and to seek relief from pulmonary 
affections in a milder climate. This relief, however, he 
w 7 as not destined to realize. A tropical air seemed only 
to develope his disease, and he died in Havana on the 6th 
of March, 1833, a few months only after leaving his na- 
tive country. 

Mr. Bowdoin died at the age of thirty-ei^ht years ; but 
he had accumulated stores of learning which would have 
done credit to a long life ; and he will be remembered by 
many friends as a scholar, a Christian, and a philanthro- 
pist. 



VOL. IX. 



29 



THE WINTHROP PAPERS. 



I. 

Rev, William Leigh to John Winthrop. 

To the worshipfull his most loving Patron John Winthropp, 

J^sq lu lying at the King's head neare the Conduit in 

fieete streete, in London. 

Good Sir, it hath pleased God in his abundant mer- 
cie to make glad my heart with my wives safe deliverance, 
and with the gift of a son ; who was born into this world 
the second day of this month, and was baptised the last 
Sabbath day, being named John. My father Raye, and my 
brother Leigh being Godfathers, and M rs Winthrop, your 
wife, godmother — Of which mercie of God to me, I doe 
most joyfullie and as speedilie as I can, acquaint you ; be- 
cause I know you have laboured the Lord for me in 
prayer, for this blessing, and I yet praye you to help for- 
ward the joye of my heart in giving thanks to God for 
soe great a mercie. Mv wife is not so soare weakned 
of this child as she was on the last (blessed be God) but 
as yet she is not able to feele * her leg^s to step from her 
couch to her bedd, but with help of others. 

I prayse God all are in good health with us, that I 
know of, save only the young good wife Cole who still in- 
creases in weakness ; her payne that was lower in her 
bodie now running into her neck, and shoulders with verie 
great paynfullnes to her; and she is brought verie lowe in 
her bodie. 

* This word looks like "seele," ~ and an old word " seel" means, to lean on one 
side. — J. B. 



The IVinthrop Papers. 227 

The Lord bless you in all your a flay res, and make you 
retiuxne prosperous: And I entreat you to have me com- 
mended to M r John your sonn, and to be kindly remem- 
bered to your brother and sister Downing and to your broth- 
er and sister Phones [Fones], with thankes for their special 
courtesies onered me when I was last att London. My 
brother and sister have bene your guests all this time of 
their aboad att Groton — for the which favour, as for manie 
other, I desire to thanke you, and they both do desire to 
be kindly rememberd to you, when I should first write to 
you. 

The Lord give us to heare comfortablie of the dis- 
solving of the Parliament in this first session of it. The 
Lord alsoe follow- us with his grace in Christ — and soe I 
rest 

V— r 1 — ' - - £ r \cznA In *ko T - "> 
iUUl lWlil" J11C1JU 111 LilC JUUlUj 

Willim Leigh. 
From Groton— Maye 13. 1628. 



II. 



John IVinthrop to Sir William Springe, Knight, in Suffolk. 

Worthy Sir, and to me a most sweet friend. 

I know not how to frame my affections to write to 
you. I received your letter, nay, merum mel non epistolam 
a te accepi. I am in suspense, whether I should submit 
my thoughts in the sweetness of your love, or sit down 
sorrowful in the conciousness of mine own infirmity, as 
having nothing precious in me, or any way worth such 
love or esteem ; —But that which I have found from your- 
self, and some others; whose Constance, and good trust 
hath made me some time proud of their respects, gives 
me occasion to look up to a higher Cause, and to ac- 
knowledge the free favour and goodness of my God, who 
is pleased to put this honour upon me (a poor worm 
and raised but yesterday out of the dust) to be desired of 
his choicest servants : I see his delight is, to shew the 



228 The Winihrop Papers. 

greatest bounty where he finds the least desert, there- 
fore he justifies the ungodly, and spreads the skirt of his 
love upon us, when he finds us in our blood unswathed, 
unwashed, unseasoned — that he might shew forth the 
glory of his mercy, and that we might know how he can 
love a Creature. 

(Sweet Sir) You seek fruit from a barren tree, you 
would gather knowledge, where it never grew: It' to 
satisfy your desire, I should bundle up all, that reading 
and observation hath put into me, they will afford but 
these few considerations — I. Joshua's (his) best piece of 
policy was, that he chose to serve the ablest master ; 
Mary's, that she w T ould make sure of the best part ; and 
Solomon's, that he would have wisdom, rather than riches, 
or life : 2. The clear and veriest desire of these, was never 
severed from the fruition of them : the ludbon is clear, 
the Lord holds us always in his lap, as the loving mother 
doth her froward child, watching when it will open the 
mouth, and presently she thrusts in the teat, or the spoon: 
Open thy mouth wide (saith the Lord) and I will fill thee. 
O ! that Israel would have hearkened to me, I would have 
filled them &c. O ! that there were in this peoj3le 
an heart &c. ! Jerusalem, Jerusalem, how often 
would I have gathered thee &c. He filleth the hungry 
soul with good things. 3. even our Grace hath its per- 
fection begun in this life: All true colours are good, yet 
the colour in grain is in best esteem, and of most worth: 
meekness of wisdom, poverty of spirit, pure love, sim- 
plicity in Christ &c : are Grace in Grain: 4. for all out- 
ward good things, thev are to a Christian as the bird to 
the fowler, if he goes directly upon her, he is sure to miss 
her: riches takes her to her wings (saith Solomon) when 
a man pursues her: he that will speed of this game, 
must seek them quasi aliud agens, or (more freely) aliud 
cogitans. I have known when 3, or 4 have beat the 
bushes a whole day, with as many dogs waiting on them, 
and have come home weary, empty and discontented, when 
one poor man going to market, hath in an hour or 2 dis- 
patched his business, and returned home merry, with a 
hare at his back : Of all outward things life hath no peer, 
yet the way to save this, is to lose it; for he that will 



The Winthrop Papers. 229 

save his life shall lose it. Where is now the glory and great- 
ness of the times past? even yesterday ? Queen Eli/: 
King James &c — in their time, who but they? Happy 

he who could get their favour: Now they are in the dust, 
and none desire their company, neither have themselves 
one mite of all they possessed — only the good which that 
Queen did for the Church hath stamped an eternal sun- 
lustre upon her name, so as the Londoners do still erect 
triumphant monuments of her in their churches — If we 
look at persons of inferior quality, how many have there 
been, who have adventured (if not sold) their souls, to 
raise those houses, which are now possessed by strangers? 
If it he enough for ourselves, that we have -food and 
raiment, why should we covet more for our posterity? 
It is with us as with one in a fever, the more nourishment 
Vvn give him, the longer and sharper are his fits . So the 
more we cloy our posterity with riches (above compe- 
tency) the more matter will there be for affliction to work 
upon : It were happy for many if their parents had left 
them only such a legacy as our modern spirit of poetry 
makes his motto, ut nee habeant, nee careant, nee curent. 
I am so straightened in time, and my thoughts so taken 
up with business, as indeed I am unlit to write of these 
things. It is your exceeding love, hath drawn these from 
me, and that love must cover all infirmities. I loved you 
truly before I could think that you took any notice of me ; 
but now 1 embrace you and rest in your love; and delight 
to solace my first thoughts in these sweet affections of so 
dear a friend. The apprehension of your love and worth 
together hath overcome my heart, and removed the veil of 
modesty, that I must needs tell you, my soul is knit to 
you, as the soul of Jonathan to David : Were 1 now with 
you, I should bedew r that sw^eet bosom with the tears of 
affection. O ! what a pinch will it be to me, to part with 
such a friend? If any Emblem may express our condition 
in heaven, it is this Communion in love. I could, (nay I 
shall envy the happiness of your dear brother B. that he 
shall enjoy what I desire — nay (I wall even let love 
drive me into extacy) I must repine at. the felicity of that 
good Lady (to whom in all love and due respect I desire to 
be remembered) as one that should have more part than 



230 The Winthrop Papers. 

myself in that honest heart of my dear friend. But I 

must leave you all : our farewells usually are pleasant 
passages, mine must be sorrowful; this addition of, for- 
ever, is a sad close ; yet there is some comfort in it — bit- 
ter pills help to procure sound health: God will have it 
thus and blessed be his holy name — let him be pleased 
to light up the light of his countenance upon us, and we 
have enough — We shall meet in heaven, and while we live, 
our prayers and affections shall hold an intercourse of friend- 
ship and represent us often, with the Idea of each others 
countenance. . . Your earnest desire to see me, makes 
me long as much to meet you: If my leisure would have 
permitted me, I would have prevented your travel; but 
I must now (against mine own disposition) only tell you 
where you may find me upon Thursday &c. It is time 
to conclude, but I know not how-to leave you, jet since 
I must, 1 will put my beloved into his arms, who loves 
him best, and is a faithful keeper of all that is committed 
to him. Now thou the hope of Israel, and the sure help 
of all that come to thee, knit the hearts of thy servants 
to thyself, in faith and purity — Draw us with the sweet- 
ness of thine odours, that we may run after thee - — al- 
lure us, and speak kindly to thy servants, that thou mayest 
possess us as thine own, in the kindness of youth, and the 
love of marriage — Seal us up, by that holy spirit of prom- 
ise, that we may not fear to trust in thee — Carry us into 
thy garden, that w 7 e may eat and be filled w 7 ith those pleas- 
ures, which the world know 7 s not — Let us hear that sweet 
voice of thine, my love, my dove, my undehled — -Spread thy 
skirt over us, and cover our deformity — make us sick with 
thy love — Let us sleep in thine arms, and awake in thy 
kingdom — The souls of thy servants, thus united to thee, 
make us one in the bonds of brotherly affection — Let not 
distance weaken it, nor time waste it, nor changes dissolve 
it, nor self-love eat it out ; but when all means of other 
Communion shall fail, let us delight to pray each for other: 
And so let thy unworthy servant prosper in the love ot 
his friends, as he truly loves thy good servants S.* and B. 



* R.efVrs to Springe, to whom the letter is addressed. B. was Springe's brother B-, 
mentioned on trie preceding page. — J. 13. 



The Winthrop Papers. 231 

and wishes true happiness to them and to all theirs — 
Amen. J. \y. 

London Feb* 8. 1629. 

[Endorsed, " Copy of a letter to Sir W m Springe," in Governor 
Winthrop's hand. This probably the rough draft, or he was unable 
to send it, and wrote another. It must he borne in mind that Gov. W. 
expected daily to sail for New England, and had taken his filial adieu 
of this friend and all others in Suffolk. Thursday, near the close, 1 
suspect, refers to the day of sailing for Cowes. Vide another letter of 
Gov. W. to his son. — J. B.] 



III. 

Rev. Henry Paynter to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To my worthily respected son M r John Winthrop at the 
house of M r Emanuel Downinge at the sign of the 
Bishop, in Peterborow Court neer fleet conduit — 
these. 

Worthy Sir and my dear Son — 1 am very thankful un- 
to you for your kind letter this week ; but the news of 
your so sudden going away, makes us all sad for the 
present because we cannot be certain that we shall be 
able to get up unto you, that we might comfort our hearts 
together in one meeting again before your departure. 

Yet write once more I pray you, when and at what very 
time (if it be possible) you take shipping: and when our 
worthy sister and you shall be in London — who knoweth 
how the Lord in his good providence may dispose of our 
occasions, and guide our journey that way. 

I am not a little troubled that my hudled, hasty lines 
were so broken and obscure to occasion your mistakings in 
so many particulars. 1. It was much against mind to be 
altogether so troublesome unto you about the Lady Modye 
[Moody], and now your business is multiplied, 1 desire but 
only what standeth with your leisure — and I thought a 
word from you might the rather move her : You know 
there is a bond for lZ li [?] upon my wife in your hand about 
it: and this was the money I meant in my letter — And 
the 2. mistake — I am very sorry you are not paid. We 
have both of us now written very effectually unto her. 



232 The JVinlhrop Papers. 

She made a kind of promise to Edward Searle and there- 
fore should be willing he might go to her again : Hut 
I would not include the letters in his but in yours. I 
should hope you might intreat M r White of While friars 
out of term to speak to her, seeing her house is but in 
fetter lane, as I have desired him by letter and shall again 
by the next. And 3. i mentioned not that money as if 
I doubted of the disposal — for 125 li of was adventured — 
the rest bestowed in corn and sent with particular direc- 
tions for the disposing of it: neither shall we in "these 
parts be backward to further the plantation in any thing 
we may as opportunity may be offered hereafter (I know- 
no one place better affected towards it) but used it only 
as a rash inducement to get some more particular infor- 
mations from you touching the state of the place— The 
rather because I intend God willing to write by you, and 
hereafter to write you, and who knoweth who may also 
come at length unto you. But now I will not be over 
troublesome but content me with my daughter Winthrop's 
general report in her letter that you have very good news 
from thence, and your resolution for the journey assureth 
me. The Lord in mercy keep you and my good daughter, 
with all your company, our dear friends, and bring you safe 
to that place, and prosper you in it. I shall be ready to 
return you answer to your next letter, and so write to 
your good mother. We are in health, and intreat your 
prayers for us all and namely for, 

Your father unfeignedly affected towards you, 

Henry Paynter.* 

[Without date.] 






IV. 

John Humfrey to John JVinthrop, Jr. 

To his worthily respected and assured loving friend M r 
John Winthrop at the Dolphin M r Humfries house in 
Sandwich. 

Deare Sir — 

It much troubled mee I came away so hastilie and un- 

* Mr. Paynter was one of the Westminster Assembly of Divines. See Calamy. — 
J. B. 



The Winthrop Papers. 233 

happilie finding no so great cause at home my wife yet 
holding up. 1 much desired to see M r Pierce and you 
aboard but the will of the Lord bee done as it is. I pray 
you remember mee in the most, respective manner to your 
good mother your wife and Sister, I hope I shall in no 
lesse tender manner remember you to God, then I desire to 
bee remembred by you. 1 beiseech you rowie yourselves 
and your burthens and cares on him, the more you trust 
him and impose in an humble faithfulnes upon him the 
more you glorifie him and the greater glorie shall you re- 
ceave from him. I wish and hope you will have aboundant 
experience of the inlargment of his grace in you and to 
you, in which I shall have as much matter of thankefulnes 
as now of request on your behalfe. I must cast myselfe 
and mine in an especial manner under him upon yourselfe 
for directing and deposing of my servants and esutie as- 
suring myselfe of the reciprocation of that kind respect 
which in the most unfeigned manner I beare and owe 
unto you. I pray you let it not bee burthensome or greiv- 
ous to you to doe for him as for your selfe who will bee 
readie to praefer you in anie thing within his power before 
himselfe. I must contract myselfe now unto you, desir- 
ing so much the more to inlarge myselfe unto the God of 
all grace for you in wiiome with my most kind respects 
and love unto you I rest 

Yours, trulie assured and loving 

J° Humfrey. 
London August 18' A 1631. 

M r Downing advizes by all meanes you should carrie 
good store of garlicke to physicke your cowes. 

[This was written under the seal. — J. B.] 



V. 

John Humfrey to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his worthy and much beloved M r Jo : Winthrop Junior 
at Boston. 

Deare Sir — 

True love will fasten upon a small occasion and the 

VOL. IX. 30 



234 The Winlhrop Papers. 

least opportunitie to have such fruition of the panic 
loved as our distance will affoord, so that I doe and may 
well want a head and time sutable to the affections 
and beartie desire i have to povvre out my selfe unto you. 

Though wee yet cannot in possibilitie lieare of your com- 
fortable arrival yet I waite upon the God of all inercie and 
comfort, and kiss and embrace the comfort thereof alar of. 
The mercie I know will bee so apprehended by you, yours 
and all of us that must challenge a share and interest in you 
that (I hope) it will engage us and manie more in improving 
such means further to improve ourselves time and talents to 
his glorie who strengthened! us (by so greatly desired 
favours) in our rejoy rings to his service, and the sincere, 
obedience of his will in all thinges. Sir, I presume I 
neede not so much excite you to a zealous contending 
to improve your pace, and Teachings out to perfection, by the 
mercies you have receaved, as 1 neede (by touching a lit- 
tle upon the mercies in and to you and by you to others) to 
raise up some affections and expressions answerable to my 
true desires. And great neede I find hereof, having so 
much experience of my flashie hart, that some times I am 
enforced directly, sometimes by way of reflection to trie 
whether I can helpe my spirit in this duty, as now. It is 
a well knowne truth (oh that I could know it effective in 
meliorem partem) that those mercies to ourselves or ours 
which leave us not better, they certainly doe much worse, 
for as a christian cannot stand, at a stay (for non pro- 
gredi est regredi) so there is besides other shines, the 
capital guilt 'uesce majestatis in not walking answerable to 
favours receaved. The smart of this, liezekiah David 
and manie others of Gods dearest servants have found with 
the sad experience of. And indeedewhat follie is it for a 
man to bee so injurious to himselfe, that when hee knowes 
thankefulnes and fruitefulnes under mercies receaved as 
they open Gods hand more largely towards him, so they 
qualifie him more to a disposednes to receave and still to 
get more sweete in receaving (for there is an influence and 
sap in everie mercie which if the lord withhold, it is 
but the huske, or as the sedement of the mercie wee en- 
joy the spirit and the quintescenee thereof being of infinite- 
ly greater vertue and vigour. And againe in deliverances 



The fVinthrop Papers, 235 

what is it to scape the beare and to fall into the paw of the 
lion, what to avoide the snare and to sinke into the pit, what, 
is it to enjoy the utmost that created nature can affoord 
in this world, and to loose (by resting herein) the creator 
of nature and of all comforts (For saith hee 1 the lord 
create the finite of the lip s &c thence flowe" peace to 
him that is far of and to him that is neare. Hee can reach 
us at what distance soever yea and will, in riches of mer- 
eie to accept our least (if sincere) services and to fetch us 
in, if belonging to his election of grace how far remote 
soever; and on the other side his hand can easilie find out 
his enemies where ever they thinke vainely to shrowde 
themselves under anie false refuges. But oh the depthes 
of his wisdome and goodnes unto us whome by faith hee 
hath made heire's of the promise, what hath hee seene in 
us that he should deigne an eye to behold us ; but thai 
he who hath the treasures of all happines in himselfe 
should account us his peculiar treasure, tender us as the 
apple of his eye, should make us his owne, and provide for 
us all good thinges (grace and glorie) and (as an overplus 
those inferiour comforts of this life, what hart can con- 
ceave or tounge of men or angels expresse the vastnes 
of this unlimited depth of love and goodnes which is with- 
out bottome or bancke. Soe that wee may well sit downe 
in a holie amasement, and wonder, and then out of the im- 
pressions of his goodnes cast about and thinke what shall 
wee render to the Lord for all his goodnes unto us. Tru- 
lie these thoughts had neede to take up our best inten- 
tion, not onely as they are the best and ehiefest finite 
of saving grace in us, but as they are (as I said before) 
the shortest and most expedite way and meanes of elevating 
us into a higher degree of grace glorie and all manner of 
happines here and hereafter. Wee manitimes groape after 
happines in manie yea anie other waves, which is to 
seeke the living among the dead, these fresh springing 
waters (which onely How from under the sanctuarie) in 
dead and standing puddles. Wee exceedingly abuse our- 
selves, yea and abase our noble condition to stoope in a 
heggerly manner to borrow or seeke anie comfort in these 
subiunarie vanities with the neglect of that fountaine 
which puts what ever fulnes there is in these cisteme or 



236 The Winthrop Papers. 

broken pit comforts; God is our roote, our foundation, oui 
father, our fountaine rocke and magazine of all precious 
thinges, and how much to blame are wee when wee seeke 
to build upon a weeker foundation, that have one so 
firme ; to draw sap from brambles that may from him; 
to come with cap and knee to the servant whereas his 
master is our father, to drinke of corrupted streames that 
may have immediate accesse to the well head, and to patch 
up a few comforts which yet (though wee prostrate our- 
selves to manie) will not make a garment large enough to 
cover the nakednes of the least part of our manie defects 
and our large-spreading indigencie. When as in him 
alone wee may have infinitely more then all that is con- 
tained within the circumference of the creature can affoord. 
Let us then resolutely conclude with the Prophet it is 
good to drawe neare to God, yea so to draw neare as by 
our communion with him to draw, all from him, to he 
wholie unto him, to acknowledge him in all our wave" as 
the great reward of good and re warder of evil! that so ac- 
cording to his never failing promise he may establish all. 
But it is time to recall myselfe least these meditations 
carrie mee beyond my time, and make mee and themselves 
burthensome unto you. I desire a little bout with you and 
I conceave I could not have it more profitablie then by 
helping my selfe up the Mount with you. Now the good 
Lord reveale himselfe everie way unto you, shine upon 
you with a loving countenance, breath a blessing upon all 
your holy endeavours, sanctihe you throughout in your 
whole soule bodie and spirit, continue you a blessing with 
your familie to this worke of God, and at the end crowne 
all your holie and faithfull labours with himselfe who is the 
fulnes of glorie. To his grace I commend you and all 
yours, wife mother sister^ all, to whome I desire in partic- 
ular to be remembred in the bowels of the tenderest al- 
fection in Christ Jesus in whome I am 

Your most assured and trulie desir[u?ir] 

Jo: HuMFREY. 

London JYov r 4. 

If in aide thing my people have neede of your love 
and you can steede them and mee by your direction and 



The Winthrop Papers. 237 

helpc I doe not so much desire as upon you 

though I doe both. 

[Labelled, " M r John Humfrey, (rec'd May 1632.)" 
Upon the back of this loiter is the following memorandum in the 
handwriting of John Winthrop, first governor of Connecticut: — 
" M c Vassell — Cozen Forth — M r Humphrey — M r Kirby — My uncle 
Downing — Aunt Downing — Cozen Clarke — M c Howes — Uncle 
Gostlin — S r Archisden — M r Gurdon — 1\U Jacye — M r Rob 1 Gurdon 
— M r Richard Saltonstall — Father Painter — M r Chambers — Sir 
Hen : Mildmay — D r Wright- — Rob' Geldston — Cozen Mary Down- 

ing." 

S r before Mr. Archisden's name refers to his degree of A. B., I be- 
lieve. There is a peculiarity in this letter; instead of writing the plural 
s as is usual, Mr. Humfrey places it thus, "lip 8 " instead of "lips." 
Sometimes he does so with the singular of a verb, as " ilowe 5 " for 
"flowes." I have spelt as he has throughout. — J. B.] 



VI 



Francis Kirby to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his very Iovinge and much respected friend M r John 
Winthrop Junior this deliver in Nova An^lia — in Charl- 
ton [viz. Charles town] per a friend whom God pre- 
serve. 

Laws Deo — in London 26° \0bris [December] 1631. 

My very Iovinge and no Jesse loved friend : harty salu- 
tations to your selfe and seconde selfe with my respects to 
your good Father and mother for whom as also for the 
rest of your company I do and shall daily implore the aid 
of the Almighty: We have taken notice of very boister- 
ous winds we had immediately after your departure from 
our Coaste (res est solicit! plena timoris amor) We have 
no hope to hear from you untill the returne of M r Pierce 
from Virginia whom we expecte siccis faucibus. 

I desire to acquaint you with such occurrants as may 
be newes to you whether forreine or domestical!. I re- 
ceived a letter dated in August last from Newfound Land 
in the Bay of Bulls aboord the William and Thomas ride- 
inge there to take in fish and is bound for Genoa — my 
friend writeth that the ships company goinge on shore to 



238 The Winlhrop Papers. 

cut timber did accidentally set that woody country on fire 
which had then burnt 20 miles alonge and that they had 
no likely hood to quench it untill rayny weather come. 

Captain Bruton who was imployed by my cozen Moris 
Thomson and company for the trade of bever in the river 
of Canada is now arrived heer haveinge been since at 
St. Christophers for a freight of tobacco, he hath brought 
in heer about 3000 lb weight of bever, and they are now 
hasteninge to set forth a small ship only for that river 
hopinge to be there before Captain Kerke whom (I hear) 
is to fetch his men from Quibeek and yield up the Castle 
againe to the French this next somer. For German 
newes, you shall understand that Swedens kinge hath 
been very succesfull. The duke of Saxon who all this 
while hath been a neuter is now forced to take up 
amies and crave the aid of Sweden ; for Tilly did set upon 
his choise towne called Lypswicke [Lcipsic ?] and tooke it, 
but kept it not many daies before he with the helpe of the 
kinge regained it and gave him battle about 2 english 
miles from Lipswicke, slew about 15000 of the imperialists 
tooke much munition and with the losse of about 6000 of 
their owne, since that he hath taken Norenberghe and 
Frankford and lefte soldiers in them both. Y\ T e hope that 
God will make Sweden an instrument for the fall of Anty- 
christ. I find noted in the margin by the Geneva trans- 
lates Revel 113 ; 17. 16. that divers nations as the Gothes, 
Vandals and Hungarians who were subject to Rome shall 
rise up to destroy the whore — Sweden is kinge of Gothes 
and Vandals. A little of Greenland newes because it may 
make some what for your encouragement who may some- 
time possibly adventure upon discovery where bread is not 
alwaies to be had, for therin you may see it is possible to 
live without bread by Gods blessinge upon the fleshe o! 
beares and foxes &c. 8 English men wintered there in the 
latitude of 77i and are returned home all in good likeinge, 
they lived from August untill June without bread or other 
provisions then what they killed and the fritters or rather 
fragments of the whales out of which they had tried oile 
and cast them to the dunghill the somer before. They 
lost there passage by reason of misty weather. 



The JVinlhrop Papers. 



231) 



Thus with our earnest praiers to the Almighty for you 
all, I rest 

Your ever loving friend 

Fa a : Kir by. 

[Labelled, " rec d June 1632."] 



VII. 
Rev. Thomas JLrehisden to Edward Howes. 

To his much deserving friend M r Edward Howes at M r 
Dovvuing's in fleet street by the' Conduit these d). 

It was the 29 th day of this month before I arrived at 
Cambridge haven and I am again bound for Suff : within 
this day or two— the occasion of it is this. M r Jacy who 
is M r Gordon's chaplain unexpectedly was sent for into 
his own country and it will be about six or seven weeks 
before he returns whereupon I being then in Suff. was 
earnestly requested to supply his place whereunto I did 
assent. I knewit'would be some trouble tome but being 
in some respects obliged to them I dared not to shew 
myself so disrespect i?e of them as to give a denial — - M r 
Gostlin with all his family are in good health. I preach- 
ed at Groton the last Lord's day being overswayed with 
their entreaties— I preached also at Waldingfield parva 
the same day, but at night having been unaccustomed 
to such exercises I was almost quite tired. I received 
your letter: I am glad to hear of that news whereof you 
writ unto me. I have not heard as yet from Anthony. 
If you please the intercourse of our writing need not be 
hindered — there is one goodman Gifford who cometh 
weekly to spread Eagle — it is not far from the Bull — 
he useth to come by M r Guidon's : Our College is now 
about enlarging our College with the addition of a new 
building — the charges of it will come to a 1000" — they 
have the money out the College treasury : I pray remem- 
ber mv service to M r and M' s Downing — give them 
many thanks from me for their kindnesses to me : remem- 
ber [my entire affection to M rs Mary*], my hearty love to 

* This is erased by a more modem pen. — J 13. 



210 The Wirdhrop Papers. 

all the rest — Thus also not forgetting my obgement to 
yourself, I a I way remain, 

in all readiness to gratify your kindness. 

T. A. [Ths. Archisden.] 
From Cambridge Jan y 30. 1631. 

[Upon the outside are these words in the handwriting of Ed. Howes: 
— " This letter is from M r Archisden- 1 pray view the" other and if you 
think good seal it up and deliver it according" to the superscription of it ; 
otherwise lacerate or inflame it as you please.'' It evidently refers to 
the above erasure, which is made with the same ink, I believe, as this 
note of E. Howes. The letter to which E. H. refers was possibly, I 
guess, an offer of hand and heart to Mrs. Mary. But who was she! 
Perhaps John's sister, who married Samuel Dudley, and had come over 
with her mother and brother. — J. B.] 



Edward Howes to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his very loving friend M r John Winthrop at the 
Governour's house these dl in Mattachusetts Bay in New 
England 
mitte mihi litteram per primu nuntiu quaeso. 

Gaudium meoe vitae 

As the fear and love of God is the beginning of true 
wisdom ; so the virtue derived from that wisdom maketh 
love eternal, which virtue in you hath kindled such a 
fire of true love in me, that the great Western Ocean 
cannot quench, but maugre all opposition it shall be with 
you wheresoever you are, while the possessor thereof hath 
being: I am and must be yet confined within the limits 
of my native soil, because God's time is not yet. but 
when the time is accomplished that I must depart, who 
shall resist his will ? M r Arkisden and I do now and then 
interchange letters, He in his last promised to send let- 
ters for New England but I have not heard of him this 
three weeks. M l Lee is come from St., Christophers 
very poor — He hath lost all his time and voyage, I 
hear he hath a desire to go for New Eng d — his wile 
and he are come from Groton. Common Garden near 
the strand is converted to a market Town with a church 



The Winlhrop Papers. 241 

in it — about 50 brick houses are built already — A won- 
der that a plantation should be made between the Court and 
the City that should extenjj itself to the skirts of either — 1 
hear it must be called Bedford Berry, it looks more like Ba 
Bell, I pray God it prove to Be Better : I could say more ; 
but here is enough to contemplate on — Never was known 
more building of houses and repairing of Churches, yet 
weekly some poor or other die starved in the streets — 
Here hath been some lately executed for Quoyninge [coin- 
ing'] silver and gold. Other newes I have not instant, but 
there is expected great good or evil this summer in these 
parts of the world : God will have his work done by us, 
or upon us ; I have not yet attained to the perfection of 
the medicine, I do much want my beloved friend's help 
and company ; she hath more patience than I, and a more 
quick appichension to discern ; I cannot express the strange 
condition I have been in since 1 lost both your companies ; 
and had it not been for the good of the Plantation, and for 
your sake, 1 should have used my best rhetoric to have 
persuaded her to stay here — I thank God I am yet and 
I hope to continue (for many years) a single man, untill I 
may enjoy her, whom my heart may love as itself: Thus 
desiring you to remember my humble service unto your 
father and mother my much honoured friends, with my 
respective love to yourself, your wife, your sisters both, not 
forgetting my quondam bedfellow James,* with the rest 
of my loving friends ; I rest 

Yours till death E. H. 

T Marty. 1631. 

I pray tell " gooddy" Scarlets son the letter he sent his 
mother, 1 found lately in our house, which I intend God 
willing to get conveyed this week to Karsey by some 
clothier. 



James Downing. — J. B. 



VOL. IX. 31 



242 The Winthrop Papers. 

IX. 

Edward Howes to John JF'uilhrop, Jr. 

To his worthy friend M r John Winthrop the younger at 
Boston in Mattachusetts Bay or elsewhere these dl in 
New England. 

Salus in Salvatore nostro — 
Optatissime Amice optanie 

I cannot but upon all occasions salute you with mine 
indeared love and respects ; these letters from M r Arkis- 
den 1 received very lately. I was afraid they would 
have been left behind. According to your appointment 
and upon my desire, 1 thought good to entreat you to 
acquaint me with some particulars of your country; viz 1 
how far into the country your planters have discovered, 2. 
what rivers, lakes, or salt-waters westward, 5 how far you 
are from Hudson's river and from Canada by land, 4 what 
are the most useful commodities to send over to traffick 
with the Indians or amonge yourselves ; 5. what kind of 
English grain thrives with you and what not ; and what 
other things you please ; daring not to trespass any 
farther upon your gentle disposition, only be pleased to 
send a map or some description of your land discoveries — 
For you know well the cause of my desire to know .Sew 
England and all the new world, and also to be known there, 
yet not I but Christ, in whom I live and move and have 
my being. My Master hath sent my most honoured friend 
your father, a sword in a walking staff, which he forgat 
to mention in his letters. M r Winslowe hath it ; who I 
doubt not will deliver it. Thus concluding with our last 
and freshest news here inclosed which my M r sends to 
your father, I take my leave to rest 

Tours and ever yours 

E. Howes. 

26° Martij 1632. 

[This, written nineteen days after the foregoing letter, came by the 
same ship. Labelled, " Edw. Howes rec d Jun. 1632."] 



The Winthrop Papers. 243 

X. 

Edward Howes to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his worthy friend M r John Winthrop the younger at 

the Massachusetts Bay These d r in New England. 

Such is the force and effect of true love (my beloved 
freind) that it accounted! noe paines too much, and all 
tyme too little, in performinge the offices, and duties, of 
deserved respect : 1 havinge sent some bookes to James 
Downinge with a letter dated the 3 of Aprill, beinge in- 
cited thereunto by his father ; your demerritt claimed 
parte of my paines, and soe greate a parte, that had I not 
written by M r Wilson unto you my seife would have ex- 
claimed against rn^ ^cifc, and ai the barre of conscience 
have adjudged me a traytor to the bond of amitie ; and ly- 
able to the livinge death of a Turtles solitariness that 
hath lost her mate ; I know not of M r Wilsons .going over 
till within this two dayes, soe that I had delivered a packett 
of letters unto M r Humfries to be sent by this ship unto 
you, one whereof was a letter unto your selfe, another to 
your beloved wife, another to your sister Eliza ; and two to 
James — with your oyle of vitriole you left with me ; I hope 
God will send all in safety unto you : and retorne unto us 
joyful newes of your recovery ; and of your perfect health ; 
In James letter I mentioned 2 or 3 thonges of a horse 
hide that I sent you I pray you contemne not the meanesse 
of my conceit but consider that I hearinge your father 
writt for shoemakers thridd, I sent you those for a tryall, 
therefore let not the servilenes of the worke prejudice your 
good opinion of me, but knowe my aimes is and ever was 
at the general! good of your whole plantation ; which I 
hope to live to see, and see to flourish and to remaine till 
tyme shall have an end with me — 

Your assured E. Howes. 

3> April 1632. 12° hor : noctis. 

I sent your honored father a baoke of bookes among 
those to J. D : if he have them alreadre, yet my good-wiil 
is nere the loser, if they should not be soe welcome as 1 
desire I beseech him to excuse my boldnes, for my heart 



244 The Winthrop Papers. 

is still as upright, to jour worke as ever, as soe till death 
shall continue (Deo juvante). I have heard diverse com- 
plaints against the severitie of your Government especially 
M r Indicutts, and that he shaibe sent for over, about cut- 
tinge off the Lunatick mans eares, and other grievances; 
well, 1 would and doe desire all things might goe well with 
you ali — hut certainly you endeavour in all mildnesse to 
doe Gods worke, he will preserve you from all the ene- 
mies of his truth; though there are" here a thousand eyes 
watchinge over you to pick a hole in your coats, yet feare 
not, there are more with you than against you, for you 
have God and his promises which if you stick to, be sure 
all things shall worke together for the best, when you have 
leasure spare me two or 3 wordes of your minde in what 
Caracter you please, that 1 may solace myselfe with your 
contentation, or helpe to beare the burthen, if not redresse 
your grievances, and soe I leave you to God, with my re- 
spective salutations to all my friends. 

My father mother and sister desired to be remembered 
unto you. 

[Labelled, " rec d June 1632,"] 



XI. 

Edjward Howes to John Winthrop , Jr. 

To my much esteemed friend M r John Winthrop the 
younger at the Massachusetts Bay these d r New Eng- 
land. 

Noble Friend — 

I havinge the 14 th of this Aprill received of M r Barker 
a letter from your sister myne approved friend, and M r 
Drake calling this morninge to see if I had any letters, 
(he preparinge to goe for Pascatawa and for you) I thought 
good to let you understand hereby that God hath still lent 
me life and health, the same 1 hope of you. I pray you 
thanke your sister for her remembringe of me (M : Arkis- 
den thinks you have all forgotten him) and tell your sister 
I shall endeavour to observe and performe those good in- 



The Winihrop Papers. 245 

structions she sent me. I accidentally this morninge or 
rather by Providence lighted upon my bookes of the or- 
dringe of silkwormes which I could wish with von, for J 
heare you have store of mtilberie trees — Doc but send 
for them if they wilbe any way profitable or desirable 1 
will with all convenient speede send them: I have lately 
come to my hands (made by an excellent scholler and lin- 
guist)" an English written Accidence and grammer of 
such a rare method that it is admirable to conceive, which 
hath beene in obscuritie at least this 14 yeares ; and by 
a speciall providence come to my hands I hope for the 
good of New England, and the speedy bringinge of Eng- 
lish and Indians to the perfect understandinge of our 
tonge and writinge truely, and speaking elegantly, alsoe I 
have of the same mans invention a booke of Characters, 
grounded upon infallible rules of syntax and Rhetorick. 
I would gladly print them that they might be the better 
dispersed amonge my friends with you, but that I doubt 
the mallice of some evely minded may hinder, or take 
them from me. If you thinke good I will send you some 
of the chiefest grounds and rules for a tryall ; I conceive 
it sufficient to teach the Indian children only to read 
English and to knowe none other, because they may not 
imagine there is the same confusion of tongues amonge 
Christians as there is amonge them. M r Drake staves soe 
that I cannot enlarge. Thus with my continued respects 
and love to you and all my friends till death, I remaine, 
Your lovinge friend till death E. Howes. 

Peterborough Court 20* Jprill 1652. 

[Labelled, { < ree'd by M r Drake August 1632."] 



XII. 

John Hamfrey to John Winihrop, Jr. 

To his worthily respected good freind M r John Winthrop 
junior at Boston or elsewhere in. Mattachusets Bay. 

Deare Sir — I sent you a w wavd'e " Sword as a pledge 

* A prophet hath small honour in his ovvne contrie. 



246 The Winthrop Papers. 

of my love by goodman Greene passenger with M r Grant. 
I pray you doe mee such loving offices as occasion may 
inable you further to oblige your all readie erigaged freind 
especiallie put your father in mind to answer two particu- 
lars of his letter from mee, which you may see and so 
know how to bee helpeful to mee therein. I pray you 
commend my kind respect to your good wife mother and 
sister — So leaving newes and busines to other letters 
which I know are full of satisfaction in that kind with 
much respect I rest your trulie loving and much desiring 

Jo : HUMFREY. 

London June 2V h 1632. 

[Labelled, " xM r Hurafries — rec d Sept r 17. p. M r Peirse. "] 



XIII. 

Francis Kirby to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his very kind and much respected frend M r John Wyn- 
throp the younger at the Mattachusets in New England, 
this deliver-— per M r Pierce whom God preserve. 

Laus deo in London 22° Junji. 1632. 

My kind and much respected freind, I hartily salute you 
hopinge of your good health the recovery whereof I de- 
sire siccis faucibus to hear of. You shall God willinge 
receive per this bearer M r Pierce 2 great drie fats marked 
as in the margin [I. W.] At the motion of my brother 
Downeinge I willinly condescended (if not boldly in- 
truded) myselfe to be a third partner* with him and you in 
this parcell of goods, which is such wares as your father 
gave advise for and I have endeavoured to get good and as 
good cheap as I could, The cloth was provided by my 
brother Downeinge and M r Smith the tayler, and it is such 
as Master 'Winslow did buy heer to trucke with the na- 
tives — for the rest of the wares if they be not. well 
bought I only must be blamed. You shall find in one 
of the fats a book sent by my brother Downeinge to his 
son for his divertion to keep a marehant's booke and tin re- 
in also some letters you shall find, and 2 paper bookes for 



The Winlhrop Papers. 247 

the keepinge of this portable account, the lesser for a 
memorial! wherein you may write as you shall buy sell or 
barter, and the broader may serve io post it into by the way 
of debitor and creditor if you be so skilfull, but for my part 
I shall be carefull to keepe all things right and straight heer 
though in a more rude and playne method, for want of skill. 
The Commodity to make returne of 1 suppose will be 
bever, it beinge almost the only Commodity of that Con- 
try and therein your skill may be lesse then mine, a word 
therefore of direction will be requisite. Note that there is 
great difference in beyer although it be all new skins, for 
some is very thicke of lether and thin of wool which is 
best discovered by layinge your fingers on the middle or 
backe of the skin, 1 pound of deep wooled skins may be 
worth 2 pound thin wooled skins — M r Pierce brought 
a parceii for his owne account which was much of it of 
that bad sort he offered it to mee for 12sh. per lb and I 
hear he hath now sold it for llsh or llsh. 6d at most 
— Also note that the old Coates are better by a third part 
then new skins are, partly for that they generally dresse 
the best skins for that purpose, partly for that the lether is 
thinner and so consequently lighter by dressinge, and partly 
for that the coarse haire is partly wome of from the wool, 
but I pray be carefull that you take not old worn otter 
skins or coates for bever, for they are nothing worth if they 
be so much worne that the glossy top haires are decayed, 
but there are some good otter skins in Cotes 5 or G skins 
in a Cote, which are sowed together with the tailes on and 
beinge not perceived to have been worne but by the 
soylinge of the lether and beinge very black and glossy may 
be worth 50sh. per Coate or lOsh. per skin. You may 
know the otter skin from the bever partly by the fabricke, 
for the otter is more longe though the tayle be of, and the 
wooll is more short and of even haire, the glossy haire not 
much exceedinge the wooll in length, but the coarse glos- 
sy haire of the bever doth more over-top the wooll and is 
more stragleinge and more wild. I have sent you some 
paternes of old otters for your better information. 

For newes, the most is of the successful! kinge of 
Sweden who hath now taken all Bavaria. Ingelstad did 
hold out the longest but is now lately taken. Also the 



248 The Winthrop Papers. 

piince of Orange hath gotten a stronge towne in Gelder- 
lant called Vanlo, a towne of great consequence for that 

through it the Spaniard did convey all his provisions up 
into Germany. Also he hath taken the halfe of a towne 
in Clevelant called Mastich, but not the other halfe it 
beinge divided (as it seemeth) by a river, and this taken 
with some difficulty for Grave Ernste was slayne there and 
some other Commanders of the Hollanders. I earnestly 
desire to receive a letter from you of the Contry and your 
condition there, which I shall receive I hope per M r 
Pierce, if not before. I pray remember mee to your second 
selfe your good father and mother your sisters brethren my 
Cosen James with all the rest of mine and your friends. 
We must intreat you take care of these goods and dispose 
of them. You may employ my Cosen James in it so far 
as you thinke fit, but as yet I thinke he is until ro take 
the sole charge of them. I pray make no bad debts, but 
rather keep them till you can have mony or comodity 
for them. 

The 2 drie fats containe as followeth. 

400 paire of shoes cost 2 sh 4 d per paire is 

but the shoemaker abated in the whole 

so we paid for them .... 

18 l! shoe thrid at l ih per pound did cost 
-5000 large Hobnailes at 2 ;fa per thousand cost 
10,000 midle sort at 18 d per thousand cost 
10,000 small sort at l sh per thousand cost 
1Q peeces of cloth whereof 1 is white and 15 coloured 

cost all ■ . 51 

they contain 13 y cards in a peice and is about 3 h 4 3h 
per peice or 5' 1 ' per yard. 
20 !i of Browne thrid and black at 2 5h per li. cost ,, . 02 

2 payre bookes cost 00 02 

2 fats with nailes to head them cost . . . . 00 15 3 

paid for cartage to the water side . . . 00 01 2 

paid for freight to M r Pierce 06 00 

108 09 9 

[Labelled, " ree'd per M r Pierce Sept r IT. 1632." 
Memorandum on letter, — { ' Sandever, or sal alcali — barrells. a bar- 
rel! of sope-ashes. JlOOof tinne : JlOO copper. 5, J 



li sh d 




46 13 4 




15 


li sh d 


. 


45 18 1 


. • • 


00 18 


• « 


00 10 


. 


00 15 


. 


00 10 



The J Vint hop Papers. 



2- 1-9 



XIV. 

Francis Kirhy to John Jrinlhrop, Jr. 

To his much respected frend M r John Winthrop the young- 
er at the Massachusets in New England this deliver. 

London this 25 th of JYovember: 1632. 
Good Sir 

1 received your lon^e expected and very welcome let- 
ters (dated the 2 d July) about the last of August. I 
am glad to heare of your safe arrivall, your health, and 
good likeinge of the Gontrie. I wrote you per M r 
Pierce who departed this Coast in July last by whom I 
shipped to you 2 drifats of goods to the value of HOli. 
or thereabout as per those letters will appear. It was par- 
table between my brother Downeiuge, your selfe and my 
selfe most of it was goods and coarse cloth to trucks, such 
as my brother Downeiuge had advise for. I hope you 
have received them ere this time — We expect M r Al.er- 
ton shortly by whome we hope to heare of M r Pierce his 
arrivall with you, 

I have shipped in this ship called the William M r 
Tryvore beinge Master and M r Hatherly cheef Marchant, 
2 square cases of deale with the glasses accordinge 
to your direction, together with 2 hogsheads and 1 bar- 
ell of your fathers with such goods as your father wrote 
for as per my brother Downeing's letters, to him will 
appear. The glasses whose cases cost in all Hi. 16sh. lid 
the freight will make them dear to you, if the freight 
be paid hear it shall all be put together upon your fathers 
account and you may allow it unto him, I doubt not but 
you will agree upon the division of it. For the Cata- 
logue of bookes from Frankfort I have sent you that of 
Autumnali mart 1631. the next is not to be had the 
third not yet come by reason of Contrary wind, but I 
shall send it God willinge by the next ship, and so like- 
wise herafter— for your mony of Edward Howes I have 
received part and the rest he saith he will pay to mee 
shortly. I heare not any t hinge of that from M r Goslin 
yet — I should be glad to heare that these glasses come 

vol. ix. 32 



250 The IV hit hr op Papers. 

whole and safe to your hands, I have written glasses on the 
outside of the Cases that they in the ship niav be the 
more careful! of them sed quales sunt riemini dixi. i 
pray let me receive a letter from you by every ship, al- 
though it be but 2 lines it will be very acceptable. 

Postscript 28° I have now received all your monv of Ed- 
ward Howes which maketh in all 41i. 12sh. for the bookes 
and carriage of them. It is now generally reported that the 
Kinge of Sweden is slayne, we have little other newes, 
what is I doubt not but you have it at large per my broth- 
er Downeings letters and Ed. Howes. M f Hatherley 
telleth mee that 1 must pay the whole freight before hand 
and that he will have for the 2 Cases as much as 13 hogs- 
heads which at 41i. per ton is 31i. if you will not have the 
freight put all together upon your fathers account and the 
charge of shippinge ii (which can not be knowne soone 
enough for my brother Dowrieinge to send account of it 
per this ship) then I pray write me your mind per the 
first and I will divide it and put to your particular account. 
I pray remember me to your good father and mother, your 
good bedfellow, your sisters, brethren, James Downinge 
and the rest, whom all I commit to the protection of the 
Almighty and rest 

Yours at Command 

Fr : Kirby. 

[Labelled, " ree'd Feb? 23' ! 1633."] 



XV. 

Francis Kirby to John IVinthrop, Jr. 

To his very lovinge and much respected freed M r John 
Winthrop the younger this deliver at Boston in the Mas- 
sachusets bay in New England. 

Laus Deo 171 London 27° dbris [November] 1632. 

My good frerid, harry salutations Sec : These may let 
you understand that J have shipped in the William oi 
London per M r Hatherley 5 peeces of goods that is to s iv 
2 hogsheads and 1 barrel! with £oods of your fathers as per 



The Winthrop Papers, 251 

my brother Downeings letters will appeare and 2 short 
cases of rieale boards aecordinge to your direction with 
glasses. Of which I have also written von more at large 
in another letter per this same ship. We desire to heare 
of M r Pierce his arrival! with you per whom I also ship- 
ped to you 2 great drifats of goods to the value of 100" 
and upwards. I have received jours only of the 2 July. 
I have little newes to write, only a great battell fought 
between the kinge of Sweden and the imperialists neer 
Leipswich, greater then that there about 12 months since, 
for divers have written that were slayne of the imperial- 
ists about 40,000 and of the Kings about 20,000, but 
some write that the Kinge is slayne in the battell, others 
that he is sore wounded and that Walestein is lied and 
Pacxenham slayne. When I knowe more certainly I 
will write you per the first opportunity — in the mean 
time let us hope the best. To your good father, mother, 
your second selfe, sisters, brothers, and to my Cosen James 
Downeinge salutem meis verbis die. Thus with my 
harty praiers to Almighty God for the continuance of his 
favours to you all I rest 

tuus dum sous — Fra : Kirby. 

[Labelled, " ree'd feb y 23."] 



XVI. 

Francis Kirby to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his good frend M r John Winthrop junior this deliver. 

London this 3 of IQber [December] 1632. 

Kind Sir : Yours of the 19th Tber [September] per M r 
Fogg I received wherby I understand of M r Pierce his ar- 
rival! (deo gratias). As for the returne of that comodity 
per ftp Pierce we. do not expect it so sodenly, sat cito si sat 
bene, and whether the profit shall be more or lesse it shall 
give content to the new marchants, when it eometh ; the 
successe whereof we must commit to the providence ot the 
almighty. Your inclosed I delivered to M r Chambers; 



252 The Winthrop Papers. 

also those into flit street. I have written you more at 
large per M r Hatheriey who his now redv to go to Graves- 
end. With this 1 enclose the Catalogue of the last 
vernal] mart,* the last autumnall is not yet to he had. 
Thus with mine my wives my brother and sister Hills ham 
salutations to yours 1 rest in hast Yours 

Fit a : KlRBY. 
[Labelled, " ree'd Feb* 23 d ."] 



XVII. 

John Humfrcy to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his worthyly respected M r John Winthrop Junior. 

Deare and Desired Sir 

I cannot but write though I can but barely tell you I 
am thankeful for you, and trulie these newes of all occur- 
rences and the sad turning of thinges I know you have 
from abler handes. In a word I beeseech you pardon and 
accept my unfaigned affection in this hastie Salute. You 
have my hart to 'which I set my hand 

Yours, lovingly obliged 

Jo : HUMFREY. 

Lond: Dec: 3: 1632. 

In consideration of my short letter I hope my brother 
Gunner hath paide you with 2 long. , 

[Labelled, " M 1 John Humfrey (ree'd Feb. 23.)"] 



XVIII. 

Edward Howes to John Winthrop, Jr. 

Worthy Sir 

Your letters by M r Allerton and M r Pierse I received : 
as for the cement I know none as yet worth sending 
the receipt unto vou — -The letter I received by M c 

* Thia refers to the Leipsic fair of books. Vide a preceding letter. — J. B. 



The IVinthrop Papers. 253 

Pierse was soe rinsed with sea water I had much adoe 
to reed it: 1 thanke you heartiiie for them; and that 
in the midest of your greate ymployments you wilbe 

pleased to remember jour poore and unworthie friend. 
Sir I am glad and exceedingly rejoyce at your pros peri tie, 
and the prosperitie of the whole colonie, and that it hath 
pleased God to shewe his power and mercie upon you 
all, in a wonderfull manner, beyond the expectation of the 
greate one of this land, in deliveringe you not from a 
Spanish ponder plott, nor an accounted invincible Armado ; 
hut from a Spanish like French Infection,* which was like 
to have tainted the haylest and best man amongst you yea 
all of you, as may appeare by the writtings and letters 
written with myne own hand, and sent to your father my 
honored friend. In briefe I hope herein the Diveli hath 
vented all or most of his mallice against your state : Oh 
the goodness of our Lord God that hath wrought such 
goodnes as you shall enjoye, out of so apparent evills as 
you had like to have felt ; f but I leave to comment upon 
this subject (though I could a longe tyme) leavinge it for 
you who I knowe will not spare whole dayes and nights 
to meditate thereof. Sir I am the more sensible hereof, 
in regard I was a daylie and hourly auditor and spectation 
of all the passages, which hath caused me to take it into 
consideration, that your plantation hath need of some 
hartie and able friends to back you upon all occasions, 
which must remaine here ; and have friends a Courte ; I 
though not soe able as I could wish (if God sawe it good) 
yet as hartie as the best, consideringe M r Humfries prep- 
aration for departure, and my masters t desire and resolution 
to be with you, have betaken my selfe now at last to the 
studie of the Lawes, and to that purpose have admitted my 
selfe as a student of Cliffords Inn by St. Dunstons Church 
in fleete streete, and am about to purchase a chamber there. 
Not that 1 meane absolutely or presently to leave my M c 
but to enable myselfe to leave when he is gone, and to re- 

* Are those infectors like to escape the like shame and punishment. Noe we hope 
to pendere Gardiner ere long &c. Vide, tace. 

t You had bin utterly overthrown had not God. as it were wrought a miraculous 
deliverance ; for it is in diverse mouths that you are ; and your plantation and planters 
hath often lately bin preached against at Paul's Crosse &c — Vide, tace. 

t Quere. Herbert Pel ham ? — J. S, 



254 The IVinthrop Papers. 

tire my selfe in the vacation tyme to my studit- which 
shall ever tend to the utmost of my poore abillitie to the 

good and welfare of jour plantation and state. 

I have since heard, that some of your noble and h. st 
friends desire, that you might have a Councell here estab- 
lished of some choyce friends, to stand an answere for you 
upon all occasions. It becomes you nowe to knowe your 
selves to be statesmen ; and to studie state policie, which 
consists principally in Prevention of evills and inconvenien- 
cies : if it please you to peruse any bookes of that sub- 
ject, I shall endeavour to iitt your turne and send them by 
the next ship after. * 

I have heard by M r Higinbotham and others that your 
ministers preach one against anothers doctrine ; which I 
conceive to be a great scandall to your Societies, and if not 
reformed in tyme, may prove as fatal] as the Congrega- 
tions of Ainsworth and Johnson, which in their owne dayes 
begann, flourisht, and came to nothinge ; but I am persuaded 
better things of you ; and hope your differences are but 
ceremoniall matters. I besich you Sir to excuse me (if 
out of the aboundanceof my hartie affections for your wel- 
fares, I transgresse the bounds of ordinary matter, You 
knowe God is a jealous God ; and desires integiitie of 
harte ; he is a spirit, and wilbe worshipt in spirit and truth : 
I would have you feare nothinge more then securitie, and 
carnall confidence ; I meane the most parte of you. 1 
have heard of many of your Collony, that saye with the 
Pharasie Stand further off I am more holy then thou : 
Gardiners relation too much, but not ail that I have heard 
— They cannot be content to talk largely, but write f to 
their utter mine (if they take not heed) for tyme to come, 
for let them be assured, theire letters will come to light 
that write against our state civill or ecclesiasticall, and the 
star-chamber hath punishments for such ly belters, and a long 
arme to reach them, and God will not defend them that re- 
sist the higher powers t : Sir 1 verilie perswade my selfe 

* God c-ives us the meanes to work by ; if we reject the meanes, we reject the good 
will of God &c. 

t A. letter hath bin seenc from one of your planters, who warneth England to be 
babill and Sodome, and that it should shortly fall ; &c I am furnished coppies of 2 or 
3 of such letters ; which I intend to send you, thatyou may beieive it; and inflict some 
punishment on the offenders ; that others may beware. 

; Exempli gratia Rochel!. Vide. tace. 



The Winthrop Papers. 255 

you have many of weake Judgments amongst you, on 
whom it were good your ministers tooke a little paines, 
that they might be rectified; 1 sawe lately a sentence 
of your owne writinge viz 1 Canis dum captat &c* which 
may not unfitly be applyed to them, whoe medlinge with 
shadowes to them, oilier mens matters, nay state matters, 
loose their substances ; and sometimes drowne themselves 
irrecoverahlie ; As the dog did. 

I have not heard from M r Eustace the Germaine since 
he went hence I feare much he is slayne in the last great 
Battel! with the King of Sweden. 1 shewed him many 
kindnesses to win him to returne but lie said he would not 
retorne except he sawe a letter from the Governors owne 
hand, with promise of increase of his wages. 1 have 
sent M Samford the Instrument and sight ruler the Ger- 
maine bespoke lor him, together with a booke to teacii 
the use thereof, namely Smyths Arte of Gunnery at 
folio 58 there the same Instrument is to be scene ; 1 have 
likewise sent him Nortons Practise of Artillerie chosen 
by the Germaine for him : and aisoe diverse platformes of 
the latest invented forts and fortifications : For new bookes 
I writt to vou of D Fludds works and sent you a catta- 
logue of them by M r Hetherley ; there is a booke lately 
come out of mathematical! conclusion and recreations, which 
1 bought purposely for you, but M r Saltonstall hath bor- 
rowed it, and is now at M r Gurdons to mafrie M rs Merriall ; 
albeit I have sent you two other bookes viz f Malthus Fire- 
works, and the Horizontal! Quadrant full of new de- 
vices ; which I present to your kind acceptance ; and 
because I knowe you are tarn Marie quam Mercuric : I 
have sent you a short weapon, you may call it an Irish 
Skeyne or knife or what you will f : together with a small 
sawe and Steele hammer, and a bodkyn and a forke all in 
one case : the usefull applycation of each I leave to your 
discretion. 

M r Arkisden is at M r Gurdons — he presents his service 
to you, but hath written soe lately to you and being con- 
strained to be very studious at this tyme he desires ex- 

Fabula at vera, 
t Thev are bound up with halfe a dozen knives for M r Samford, in M ' Maries 
chest. 



256 The Winthrop Papers. 

cuse : yet I have made bold to send you here enclosed 
his last letter written to me, that you may perceive he is 
both well and thrives in his studies &,c. VVe keepe the 
strictest Lent that ever was; we have not one bitt of 
flesh in the house as your Cosen Mary Dow can informe 
you. 1 thought good to advertise you of a discourse I 
lately heard, that the Leprosie is caused by eating too 
much fresh fish ; for in Scotland where they eate much fish 
there is more Leapers then in all Europ besides, as is said. 
We have a Mountebanke does strange feats and cures here 
openly on Tower hill upon a stage, and in Comon Garden, 
and in St. Bartholomews. I bought pence worth of his 
stuffs for the Master of the Wards ; and alsoe a paper or 
two more for your good father viz 1 his antidotes against 
poysou &c.* which you shall receive of your Cosen Mary. 
1 pray present them unto him as a small testimonie of my 
humble service and willing mind to appeare before him in a 
greater good ; as God shall flit and enable me. 

Remember my humble service likewise to M rs Winthrop 
your good mother: M r Audley of the Courte of Wards 
desired me to remember him to M r Governor Winthrop and 
often asketh me how he doth : I should be glad to bringe 
the old Batchelor to bestowe 1000£ or 2 on your planta- 
tion for he can very well spare it: I perceive he hath a 
mind to doe good, but it must be in a course wherein he 
may have some certaine profitt in recompense of his costs: 
M r Fabian M r Paise and M r Windover, alsoe desire to be 
remembred and aske me often ho we your father and his 
companie thrives : generally all that knowes him wishes him 
well ; and the most prophanest that I heare speake of him, 
doe but pittie him ; for selling soe good an estate here ; for 
want and penurie in New England : f It is the opinion of all 
straingers that knowe you not, that the most of ye are 
starved, and the rest are cominge home againe : I have 
my mothers good will nowe to goe over when I will ; t My 
father and she and my sisters desire to have their kindest 
loves remembred unto you and to your good wife and sister 
Feaks — soe doth the scribe, as alsoe to your sister Dudley, 
and her husband, your two Brothers and M r James Dow; 

* There is a paper about every one to shew the use of them. 

t None wishes him evil, but all well. I It was since my admittance. 



The Winthrop Papers. 257 

and all other lovinge Friends I commit you to the Lord 
almighties tuition and rest 

Yours ever assured 

Edward Howes. 
[Ed. F. Howes ?] 
18 Martii 1632. 

I conceive you were best to direct your letters for me 
to my Masters or at my Fathers house neere Lincolnes 
Inne in Chancery laine ; for my Master is about to remove 
his dwellinge very shortly into the strand neere the Mas- 
er of the Wards. Vale in Christo, Vide et tace. 



ter 



[From this letter, it seems Mr. Howes was a student in Mr. Hura- 
frey's office (?) — J. B] 



XIX. 

Edward Howes to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To my approved lovinge friend M r John Winthrop the 
younger at Boston these d r in Mattachusetts Bay. 

London March 25. 1633. post horam \0 am noetis. 

Sir 

Although I have bin very large in my letters dated the 
18 th of this instant, yet can I not chuse but let love 
breake forth a little more, even nowe when the ship is 
under sayle. Yours of the 29 lh of September I received 
per M r Allerton and the other of the 24 of October 1632 I 
ree'd per M r Pierse. Your cosen Mary sent away her 
Trunks a fortnight agone, to the shipp without my knowl- 
edge, soe that I am much straightned for place to stowe 
the things I intended to have sent over ; I lent her my 
sea chest to put her other things in, but can hardly have 
roome to putt in my letters, The chest I desire M r Sam ford 
may keepe for me untill I come over. There are honest 
men about to buye out the Bristol! mens plantation in 
Pascataque, <md doe purpose to plant there 500 good peo- 
ple before Michelmas next — ~C. Wiggen is the chiefe Agent 
therein. There was presented to the Fords lately, about 
22 of C. Indicutts lawes : You have bin at the lie of Rae 

vol. ix. 33 



258 The Winthrop Papers. 

[Re], and at Rochelle, a poore people that lye nowe in 
the dust, had they bin alive nowe, their harts would have 
leapt within them to see howe theire kinge favours the 
Protestants. Feelix quern faciunt aliena pericula &c. 

Ad Populum | God is the God of love, and love is pa- 
tient — ■ be not too hastie, a slowe pace goes farre : I could 
wish myselfe with you but for -J- an home, to expresse 
my mind, my feare 1 meane, but the only wise God I har- 
tilie and humblie beseich, make you wise in all things, 
that you may joy the £) of 

Your ever vowed E. IT. 

I have sent you a booke of the lawes established for 
Virginia (by your Cosen Mary.) I pray you present it to the 
view and perusal of my most honored friend your noble fa- 
ther, together with my humble service to him and your good 
mother. Sir, I pray present my loving respects to my 
reverend and worthy friends M r Wilson and M r Welles [or 
Wellds] And excuse me to your Sister Feakes my loving 
friend that I writt not unto her ; I pray thanke her for the 
letters she sent me dated the 4 of July 1632. I had not 
a letter by M r Pierse from any one but from you and that 
hardly to be read : I pray sent me a description of the dis- 
cordy of Patowneck if you have it, and what other novel- 
ties you shall thinke fit. 

M r Rich: Saltonstall is returned unmarried. I saw 7 him 
by chance last night at Sir Richards. Vale in Christo. 

26 Martiu 1633. 

E. H. 

[Labelled, " per M r Rose ree'd June 1633."] 



XX. 



Francis Kirby to John TVinihrop, Jr. 

To his very lovin^e and much respected frend M r John 
Winthrop junior this deliver at Boston in New England. 

Laus deo in London 26° Mariij 1633. 
Most lovinge frend, yours of the 24 October per M r 
Pierce I received but it havinge suffered shipwraek on 
the coast of Virginia it was hardly legible. 1 am very 



The Winlhrop Papers. 259 

glad to hear of jour welfare with the recovery of jour 
second selfe from her late sharp lit of sicklies. J under- 
stand how you have dealt with M' Pinchen for the cloth 
which bargain is not amisse, but may produce reasonable 
profit if he deail well with you in the condition ot the 
Lever that lie shall deliver to you, which you shall easily 
discerne if you remember my instructions in those letters 
to you per M r Pierce. For the shoes your father wrote to 
my brother Dovvneinge that they are most of them Calves 
lether — sure I am that I paid for neats lether and they 
were waranted to mee for such and still he doth stand to 
justifie the same still and saith if i can procure a certificate 
under the hands of M r Cottington and M r Nowell that they 
were not all neats lether 1 shall have recompence to my 
content, therfore I pray let them be viewed by some that 
have skill. His name of whom I bought them is M r Jo : 
Hod son [or Rodson] in Gracechurch street. I hope ere 
this time you received the 2 great glasses per M r Hatherley 
in the William who went hence in December. I received 
the 4 H 12sh. of Ed. Howes, also now 5 11 of M r Gosslyn, I 
received none of my brother Downeinge, for you, neither 
had I any occasion for it seing I cannot find all the things 
you wrote for. Sope ashes are not to be had, for there are 
none come of late yeares out of the East, they beinge now 
out of use with the sopeboylers who use only pot ashes, I 
have sent in a paper a little pot ashes for a paterne. For 
old musket barrels I can find none that will be sold by 
weight unles it be some very smal and short peeces and 
of that there is no quantity to be had, for other that are 
past use they peece them up againe and make them sale- 
able and will not sell them by waight. I have enquired 
concerninge ruffe barils imbored — musket bore ruffe un- 
bored may be had for 8sh per barill 4 foot longe of two 
inche bore 4 foot long ruffe and unbored 16sh. or thereabout. 
I perceive it is not usuall with them to forge any so big 
which causeth to aske so dear, for they must make or al- 
ter some tooles for the purpose and so must be paid extra- 
ordinary unles they make a great many ; I pray if you 
send for any write rue justly what length and in every re- 
spect your minde very playne, least I do you a displeasure 
against my will. I pray excuse me if 1 have mistaken 



260 The Winilirop Papers. 

any thinge in this your commission for the incke is washed 
of in many places of your letter, so that I do but guess 
at vour meaninge, and if I have erred in btiyinge what vou 
intended not it is error amoris, non amor erroris. I hear 
there is one at Wappinge that can forge barils of 3 inch 
bore but 1 have not yet spoken with him, and he forgeth 
small ordnance. 1 have sent you heer inclosed the Cata- 
logue of the Autumnal! mart 1632. all the former 1 have 
sent before. I have no newes to write you. There hath 
not been any great exploits done in Germany since the 
death of the kinge of Sweden. How 7 it fareth with our re- 
publique and of the occurrents in Court and Contry is safer 
to be related by those that come to you then to be com- 
mitted to paper. Your f rends heer who are members of 
your plantation have had much to do to answer the unjust 
complaints made to the kinge and Councell of your govern- 
ment there. I understand that you are an Assistant and so 
have a voice in the weighty affaires of that Commonwealth. 
I know I shall not need to advise you that the prayinge 
for our kinge be not neglected in any of your publique 
meetings, and I desire that you differ no more from us in 
church government, then you shall find that we differ 
from the prescript rule of Gods word, and further 1 meddle 
not. I have sent you in this ship (wherein my Coscn 
Mary Downeinge and Susan and M r Cottington are) all the 
thinges you wrote for, except old musket barils and sope 
ashes, if I be not mistaken in readinge your letter. The 
particulars you shall find on the other page, they are pack- 
ed with other goods which I bought for your father at my 
brother Downeings instance, in one great long chist and 
one little barrill, also there are directed to your father 2 
tronkes and a little trusse which my Cosen Mary Downe- 
inge knoweth how 7 to dispose of. M r Pierce will be redy 
about the last of may as I suppose per whom I intend to 
write although I have no business more then si vales bene 
vales. I desire to be remembered to your second selfe, 
your father, mother, brethren and sister, also to M" Feake 
and thus for this present I commit you to the Almighty 
his protection and shall ever rest, 

Your assured lovinge frend 

Fra. Kirby. 



The Winthrop Papers. 261 



I li s d 

Sandiver 2H. and Soda 8li. . . . .056 

Stone blewinge 1 Hi. . . . 10 

brimstone Hi. weight . . . . .13 4 

Copper ; [c. . . . . . , 110 4 

Tin \c. . . . ..180 

Canarie seeds 3 pintes . . . . 

t 4 17 11 

paid before for the glasses and the charge of packinge them 

and for 3 Catalogues of bookes . . . I 18 5 

6 16 4 

Received in all . . . . . 9 12 

paid in all . . . . . .6164 

2 15 8 



You shall receive for your father in the same chist and 
barrells, which rny brother Downeinge will put to his" ac 
count 

2 dosen howes — 20 li white coperas— 6 shorlinge sheep 
skins— -30 lamb skins— -1 dosen sithes, 1 hatchell for 
hemp, with 2 other little tooles of iron used about the 
streighteninge of the teeth when they are bowed and 
driveinge them out, other tooles are none used about dress- 
inge hemp unles some beetles of wood or such like which 
to send from hence were but to charge you with unneces- 
sary freight, every contry houswife can direct your car- 
penter to make them. 

1 jiatchell for flaxe with 2 brushes, 6 felling axes, 20 
sutes of Canvas, 20 sutes of Cotton, 10 dosen Irish stock- 
ings. 

[Labelled, " ree'd June 1633. per M r Rose his ship (mony to M' 
Howes — otter skins)."] 



XXL 

Francis Kirby to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his much respected frend M r John Winthrop junior, 
this deliver. 

March 26. 1633. 

Most loving frend I received your letter (which had 



9fi9 



The Winthrop Papers. 



first been washed in the sea) per M r Pierce whom it pleas- 
ed God to preserve though with the losse of the ship and 
all the goods on the Coast of Virginia. 1 have sent you 
in this ship such thinges as you wrote for packed with 
other goods oi" your fathers marked as in the Margent in 
one great long chist and 1 little barill, also there are 2 
trunkes and 1 little trusse of Canvas directed to your la- 
ther, of which my Cosen Mary Downeiuge will give fur- 
ther direction. I have written you in another letter of the 
same date and in the same ship more at large of many par- 
ticulars ; what the occurrents are heer you shall under- 
stand per your friend M r Cottington who cometh in this 
ship. The old musket barrills are not to be had, neither 
sope ashes. I have sent the sandiver, soda, stone blew- 
inge, brimstone, copper, Tin and Canary seeds. The quan- 
tity, price and account, von shall have in mv othpr letter 
of this date more at large specified. I desire to be remem- 
bred to your consors tori, and to your good father and 
mother and the rest, for whom as for myselfe 1 shall daily 
pray for both temporall and eternal! felicity and Thus in 
hast I rest x 

Your ever lovinge frend, 



Franc : Kirby. 



[Labelled, " per M r Rose his ship."] 



XXII. 

William Hilton to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To the worshipful M r John Winthrope the younger at 

Agawam give these. 

Pascataque JJprill 18. 1633. 
Ser — 

There arrived a fishing ship at Pascataque about the 
15 of this present moneth wherein is one Richard Fox- 
well, who hath formerly lived in this Cuntery -— - he bringeth 
nuse [neics] that there were tow [2] shipes making ready 
at Barnstaple whoe are to bring passengers and catell for to 
plant in the Bay lie hath leters for M' Wearom [War- 



The Winthrop Papers. 2G3 

ham] and divers others at Dorchester, which he intends to 
bring in to the bay so soone as possible he can — likewise 
he heard from M r Alerton, whoe was making ready at 
Bristoll for to come for this cuntery — other nuse he 
bringeth not that I can heare of oneiy M r Borowes pur- 
poseth to come for this cuntery from London and so de- 
siring you to convey tlies leters into the bay with 
what conveniency you can beseching the Lord to 
bless you in your lawful! designes I humbly rest 

Your worships assured to command 

William Hilton. 

Ser— I purpoe eare [ere] long be if the Lord will to 
see you — The masters name of the shipe is John Corbin 
of Plimouth. 



I. 

Francis Kirhy to John Winlhrop i Jr. 

To his very kind (Vend M r John Wynthrop the younger at 
Agawam or elsewher this deliver in New England, this 
deliver. 

London this 26th of Feb* 1633. 

Lovinge frend M r Winthrop. Yours per M r Graves 
with 220 ij of bever and the 2 otter skins (1 for my sister 
Downeinge and 1 for Ed. Howes) I received accordinge 
to your letter. The bever is a pretty good sort of bever. 
There was a sort of thin lethered skins very light and yet 
full of wool which were the best of all and they were in the 
hogshead, but there were 3 or 4 xery small and younge 
bever.skins which we call bever cubs those were the worst 
of all for although they be light of lether yet they have little 
•wool and that very bad, the bever hat maker calleth it faint 
stuffe. So thus much for instruction, now for the matter 
of the returne of your third part thereof accordinge to youv 
desire in your latter letters of the 20 th September. You 
shall understand that the market is bad for bever, so that 



264 The Winihrop Papers. 

I have forborne to sell it in hope of better, for the Ply- 
mouth marchants great parcel! hath brought dovvne tiie 

prices. Yet I desirous to follow your commission have 
sent you such comodities as you wrote for, and I thinke the 
full value of your -} part. W it be more or les you are like 
to hear of it. I have disbursed mony till the bever be 
sold, and I thinke the things are well bought My wife and 
1 have done our endeavour therein. 1 have followed your 
directions as neer as I could. I could not find any Bridge- 
water cloth of any colour but red, so that all the coates 
are red lined with blew, and lace sutable which red as M r 
Pinchins note saith is the choise colour of all — for Rugs 
there are no tawny or mury to be had so priced as 12sh. 
or therabout — I have bought some mingle coloured 
checkered rugs partly tawny, but the most are wholly red 
and of, sundry prices as I shall particularize to you Sue!: 
broad cloth blankets as 1 sent la'st yeare are not to be had 
miles bespoken, but I have sent you some brodecloth and 
some blew blankets. I had bespoken lOOii: worth of col- 
oured cloth accordinge to your directions in your former 
letters and could very hardly refuse it upon your later. I 
did conceive well of your intended trade with the Natives 
at Agawam but I perceive your minde is altered. If not I 
should not have counselled you to hazard your person 
amonge the Natives after I heard of that pitifull accident 
of Captain Bruton. Who lost his life the last Somer on the 
North part of your American Continent, where he had 
bought of the indians an Unicorn horn and under a frendly 
pretence to trucke further with him for seahorse teeth and 
such like they treacherously killed him. He had spent the 
2 Somers about that place chiefly to discover a Northwest 
passage to India but hath not discovered any thinge to 
purpose. For your new trade of fishinge which you say 
is hopefull, I should be glad to further so good a thinge. It 
you shall see a manifest way of doeinge profit therby and 
my brother Downeinge also shall by his letters give you 
to understand his willingnes to adventure therin then you 
shall presume that I will adventure halfe so much as my 
brother, so that my halfe may not exceed forty or fifty 
pounds at. the most. In yours of the 13 ,h June you write 
that some of the things you received you did not know 



The IVinlhrop Papers. 265 

from other beinge written upon which I confesse was my 
fault for I did presume you knew them but as 1 remember 
1 did write you how much of every severall thinge by 
waight, the hardest to be knowne 1 suppose was the soda 
and sandiver — it was 81i : soda and 21i: sandiver, all things 
else are well known to most men. I paid Ed: Howes 
2!i: I5sh. 2d. beinge all that remained of the 91i: 12sh. 1 
received for you. for the twigs of quodlin tree I did make 
use of my brother Joseph Downinge to provide them for 
mee and he saith, he hath delivered them to one of his neigh- 
bours a gardener of Messinge who will pack them up care- 
fully with some 100 young apple and pear trees which he 
is about to send to your father and some other special! 
frends per M r Graves per whom also I send your goods 
beinge in one great drifat and one hogshead marked with 

youi iiidiKC, i iictve £ dOSei) Oi MiOii V\ r OOieQ Mitrep SK111S 

provided by former advice from your father in my brother 
Downeinges letters and although I have now advice to the 
contrary yet I shall send them by the next opportunity if I 
can not sell them heer, they cost but losh. You shall 
find in the fat a little booke written by Doctor Prideaux 
against the morality of the 4 th commandment. I desire to 
be remembered to your second selfe my cosen Mary and 
James and the rest and so I comit you to God and shall 
ever reste, 

Yours at command 

Fra. Kir by. 

The wares which I send you are as followeth. 

ii. ,. 

3 mixt Rugs at lOsh. per Rug is 

3 mixt Rugs at 8s. 8d per Rug is . 

4 mixt Rugs at lOsh 6d. p. Rug 

5 Red Rugs at 12sh. 8d. p. Rug . 
2 Red Rugs at 11 sh. fid. p. Rug 

2 Red Rugs at lOsh. 6d. p Rug . ' . 

3 Red Rugs at 12sh. 6d. p Rug 

20 

1 paire blankets at llsh. p. paire 
3 paire blankets at 12sh p. paire 
1 payre blankets at lOsh p. paire 
1 paire blankets at I'Ssh. p. paire 

6 3 10 
vol. ix. 34 



1 


10 





1 


0G 





o 


02 





1 


18 





1 


03 





1 


01 





f 


17 


6 


10 


17 


6 





11 





1 


16 


o 





10 








13 






2GG The Winthrop Papers. 

\d yards i of broad cloth, for blankets at 3sh. 2d yard 2 03 2 

12 yards ^ broad cloth at 2sh. I Id per yard . . 1 1.5 8 

16 yards h broad cloth at 2sh. 8d. p. yard . . 2 04 <• 

17 yards i broad cloth at 2sh.'8d p. yard . . 2 07 4 

61 £ will be 12 paire long blankets at the least 

for the coates 
85 J yards red Bridgwater at 2sh. Id per yard 
72^ y: blew cotton to line the coates at lod p. yard . 
15 dosen of statute lace at Id per yard 
3 groce J of thrid buttons .... 

porterage of the clothe .... 
paid the tailer for makeing 24 coates 



p'd for a drifat and hoops nailes and cartage 



40 00 5 
The coates stand you in about 13sh. 7d p. coate heer 
besides the charges. Other things you shall find a paper 
upon every several I peice his price. 

Postscript m. 8° Martii. I had provided your goods to 
send per M r Graves and it hath been in the warehouse at 
the waterside for him this 10 daies but he saith he can 
not take it in so that by his advise I now send it per M r 
Crowther I have not yet paid the freight nor received bills 
of ladeinge but I will do both so soone as I can speake with 
M r Crowther and will send a bill of ladeinge to )our father. 



8 


15 


a 


8 


18 


o 


4 


10 


6 





15 








02 


6 





00 


7 


2 


00 





16 


06 


9 





10 


8 


10 


17 


6 


03 


10 






XXIV. 

Francis Kirby to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his much respected frend M r John Winthrop the 
younger at Agawam or elsewhere in New England This 
deliver — Per amicum quern Dens conservat. 

London this IV' 7 of Jp rill 163-1. 

Lovinge and kind frend M r Winthrop. I wrote at large 
lately per M r Graves of 1 fat and 1 hogshead shipped in 
M r Crowther the Jonas per M r Graves his advice himselfe 
being not able (as he said) to take it in unles he should 



The Winlhrop Papers. 267 

leave out some of his passengers goods. I have inclosed 
bils of ladeinge to jour father, since the date of those jour 
letters I have paid tiie freight primage avarage and all other 
charges. The freight being 8" 15sh. at 3 U per tun prime 
and avarage osh. 6d. I have lefte nothingc for you to pay. 
I pray forget not to put to account what charge you have 
been at with the tripartable goods. I thinke 1 have sent 
you very neer the value of your third of the bever that 
you sent in returne. I have now sold it but the mony 
will not be due before michaelmas next, about which time 
I hope we shall receive some more bever from you for the 
partable account. I do not perceive my brother Downe- 
inge to be forward to joine with you in the fishinge trade. 
I have intreated him to write you a resolved answer which 
I have not from him yet, and as I wrote you before, my 
resolution depends upon him, without him nothingc there- 
in, with him halfe so much as hee so that my part may 
not exceed 40 or 501k at the most, I have disbursed for 
this goods with the freight and other charges 441L 4s 
3d if I mistake not. You shall find every particular men- 
tioned in my letters per M r Graves, also every severall rug 
and paire of blankets hath his price written upon it. The 
24 coates cost you about losh 7d per coat, besides the 
charge upon them. I and my wife, my brother and sister 
Hill desire to be remembered to your second selfe, your 
father and mother, my Cosen James, Mary and Susan 
Downinge and the rest yours and my frends. The bear- 
er herof M r William Alford, Skinner, is an honest man 
well known e to mee and also to M r Cotton of Boston, I 
desire you to be acquainted with him and to shew him 
what kindness you can without prejudice to your selfe, He 
is come with his family to plant amongst you. Thus for 
this time 1 Commit you to God and rest — - 

Your lovinge frend 

Franc : Kirby. 

My brother Downeinge sendeth part of his estate in 
Catle this year videlicet, sheep and Cowes. 1 thinke it 
were not amisse for you to take some of his Cattle upon 
such termes as M r Dilingharii hath done, seein^e vou have 
other imployment for your stocke. 



268 The Winlhrop Papers. 

XXV. 

Roger Williams to John Winlhrop, Jr. 

For his honoured kind Friend M r John Winthrop at Pe- 

qut — These — 

Nar. 22. 4. 45 (so calPd). [Narraganset, 22 June, 1645.] 

Sir : Best salutaeions <kc W m Cheesbrough now come 
in shall he readily assisted for your and his owne sake. 
Major Bourne is come in: I have (by Providence) seene 
divers papers (returning now yours thanckfully) which are 
snatcht from me againe I have therefore bene bold to send 
you the Medulla and the Magnalia Dei — Pardon me if I 
request you in mv name to transferr the paper to Capt. 
Mason who- saith he loves me: God is love in him only 
I desire to be yours ever Roger Williams. 

Loving Salutes to your dearest and kind sister. I have 
bene very sick of cold and feaver but God hath bene gra- 
cious to me : 1 am not yet resolved of a course for my 
daughter: If you re powder (with directions) might be 
sent without trouble I should first wait upon God in that 
way: however 'tis best to wait on him. If the Ingredi- 
ents be costly I shall thanckfullv account. I have books 
that prescribe powders &c but yours is probatum in this 
Countrey. 



XXVI. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For the worshipfull and his much honoured kind friend 
M r John Winthrop at Nameug — These. 

Cawcaicmsqussick 28. 3. 47 (so colld). 

Worthy Sir — Loving respects and salutaeions to your 
kind self and your kindest Companion : somewhile since 
you desired a word of direction about the hay seed. I 
desired my brother to collect his own and other neigh- 



The Wintkrop Payers, 260 

hour's observations about it, which (with his respects 

presented amounts to this — 

First-— usually 3 bushells seede to one Acre bind. 

2. It hath bene knowne to spread to mat vv.c the Indian 
hills being only scrapt or leveld. 

3. This may be done at any time of the yeare (but the 
sooner the better). 

4. It is best to sow upon a rayne preceding. 

5. Some say let the ripe grasse stand untill it seede and 
the wind disperse it (susque deque) up and downe for it is 
of that thriving and homogeneall nature with the earth that 
the very dung of cattell that feeds on it will produce the 



grasse. 

6. The offs which can hardly be severed from the seede 



hath the same productive facultie. 

7. Sow it not in an Orchard nccre fruit trees for it will 
steale and rob the trees &c. 

Sir — concerning Indian affaires — Reports are various: 
Lyes are frequent— Private interests (both with Indians and 
English are many — Yet these things You may and must 
doe : First kiss Truth where You evidently upon youre 
soul see it: 2. advance justice, (though upon a childs 
eyes) 3 seeke and make peace if pessible with all men — 
4 secure youre owne Life from a revengefull malicious 
arrow or hatchet : I have bene in danger of them and de- 
livered yet from them Blessed be his holy name in whome 
I desire to be 

Youre Worships in all unfayned respects and love 

Roger Williams. 

[Labelled, " M r Williams about Hay-seed sowing received May 29."] 



XXVII. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

Cawcawmsqussick 20. 6. 47 so call'd. 

Sir, due respects presented &c : I am importund by 
Nenekunat, in expresse words to present his respects and 
love to your honoured Father and to the honoured President 
of the Commissioners giving great thanckes for the great 



270 The JFinthrop Papers. 

favour and kindnes shewed him : Withall he prayes von 
earnestly to present his humble suit that since he by rea- 
son of his travel] and illnes can as yet get no further to- 
ward his owne home, and finds he must have much worke 
with the Natives of these parts before he repaire home, 
and time to spend exceeding fast ; it may be accounted 
no breach of faythfullnes of his promise if he finish the 
contribucion he is now about within a iew dayes after 
the punctual! time. The other Sachims upon Agitations 
have promised their utmost concurrence to finish all with- 
in a month from the day of his promise, which time he 
earnestly requests may be assented to, hoping to make 
payment before, but not questioning by the expiration of 
that time. By this bearer he humbly prayes a word of 
answer that with the more cheerful concurrence of the 
other Sachims (who joine with him in this request) he may 
be the more cheerefull in the worke. Sir I discerne noth- 
ing but realitie and reason in his request otherwise I should 
not dare to molest you or those honoured persons whome 
it concernes to whome, with my humble respects, and to 
youre selfe presented, beseeching the most High to be 
your portion I rest your worships unworthy 

Roger Williams. 

Pesickosh desired me to present his great thancks for his 
child. Sir your man is with me at present writing, well, 
this last of the weeke and will be going instantly : Hum- 
ble thanckes for the. sight of papers from England : The 
Sea will be the Sea till it be no (more) Revelations 21 — 

My respects to your dearest. 

[The superscription seems this : — "For the Governour I have sent 
these lines."— -J. B.] 



XXVIII. 

Roger Williams to John JFinthrop, Jr. 

For my much honoured kind friend 3YP John Winthrop at his 
howse at Nameu^ — These. 

Caucaamsqussick 23. 7. 48 (50 calVd) 

Kind Sir — Best salutacions to your deare selves and 



The Winthrop Papers. 271 

loving sister J am hold and yet glad to trouble you, that by 
this occasion I may heare of your wellfare : Capt. Mason 
lately requested me to forbid the Narigansetts to hunt at 
Pequt, and to assure them of his visiting of them if they so 
did : I have written now an answer which I am bold to 
request you to send at your next opportunitie : 2 dayes 
since I was at Providence and then M r Browne was not re- 
turned, only he had writ home some angry passage against 
the Nariggansets who are now in expectation of some as- 
sault from the English Sir whether please God to visit us 
with peace or Warr, in life and death I desire to be 
Yours ever in Christ Jesus 

Roger Williams. 

Sir our Neighbour M r Coddington and Capt Patridgc 
10 dayes since returned from Plvmmouth with propositions 
for Rode Hand to subject to Plymmouth to which himselfe 
and Portsmouth incline — our other 3 townes decline and 
M r Holden and M r Warner of Warwick came from thence 
allso, and they say gave satisfaction why they dare not (the 
other 3 Townes) depart from the Charter: Sir in this di- 
vision of our Neighbours I have kept myselfe unengaged and 
presented motions of pacification amongst which I was 
bold to propose a reference to your worthy selfe and some 
other friend to be chosen: our Towne yeaids to it and M r 
Boston (though opposite) and possibly you may have the 
trouble and honour of a peace-maker. 

Sir pray scale the inclosed. 

[Labelled, " ree'd Sept r 27. 1648. "J 



XXIX. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For his much honoured and beloved M r John Winthrop 
at Name tig. 

Caucairmsquissick 10. 8. 43 (so caWd). 

Sir — Best salutacions to your deare selves and loving 
sister : In my last I intimated a promise of presenting 



272 The Wintltrop Papers. 

you with what here passeth: Captaine Atherton Captaine 
Prichard Richard Wood and Strong Tucnell have bene with 

me (as alLso VV m Arnold instead of his Sonn Benedict, who 
withdrew hiroselfe though sent unto) these 6 or 7 dayes: 
They were at Nayantiaquct 2 nights; Capt. Atherton 
purposed to visit you, but they appointing their meeting 
with all the Sachims at my house they came back, and this 
morning (the 4 th day of the weeke) they are departed 
with good content toward the Bay. From the Commis- 
sioners they brought several! articles but the maine were 3. 
Concerning the Mauquawogs et — 2. The payment : 3 On- 
cas future safetie. To the first they sent answer (and 
that they confirmed with many asseverations that and one 
of them voluntarily tooke the Enalishmans Q 0( [ t0 witnes) 
that they gave not a peny to hire the Mauquawogs against 
the Monhiggins, but that it was wholy wrought by Wus- 
soonkqiiassin (which they discovered as a secret) who 
being bound by Onkas : and Wuttouwuttaurum Onkas his 
cozen having attempted to shoote a JMauquaw Sachim at 
that time, resolved with the Mauquawogs (to whome he 
allso gave Peag) to take revenge upon Onkas: Wussoonk- 
quassin sent them word and desired Peag of them in the 
spring but they profes.se they consented not nor sent not 
a peny, afterwards they sent Waupinhommin up to en- 
quire to Paucomtuckqut and however they have given some 
of the Mauquawogs peag this yeare (as they have all waves 
done) yet they say they are cleare from giving a peny in 
hire Sec : They coufesse their enmitie against Onkas and 
they (to the 2 1 ) will not rest untill they have finished their 
payments that they may presente their complaints against 
Onkas, who (they say) and others Indians within these 3 
yeare have committed 13 mmthers impune being out ol 
their, reach in the English protection: This last yeare 
they pleaded they were neer starved and therefore sent but 
a small quantity : Now they promise upon returne of their 
men from hunting this winter to make a contribution, the 
next spring another and so according as they can draw the 
people to it will not cease to furnish, and if they die their 
children shall full fill, and that it is their sore griefe&c. with 
much to this purpose: For Onkas they professe neither 
directly nor indirectly to have to doe with him, yet hope 



The Winthrop Papers. 273 

the English will not deale partially with him : They de- 
sired the English receit of their peag : I produced the 
Note you sent me, which because it was not signed with 
your Fathers hand or the Treasurers &c the Messengers 
promised to send them one from the Bay Nenekunal made 
great lamentation that you had entertained hard thoughts 
of him in this busines, and all the Sachims here profest their 
sorrow and that you had hearkened to Wequashcuck, who 
they say never contributed nor joined in the Pequt wars, 
and now flatters to draw his neck out of the payments 
to the English : They hope you will not countenance him 
to rob Nenekunat of those hunting places which the Com- 
missioners gave him leave to make use of and he with the 
English had fought for with the expense of much treasure 
and hazard of his life : They desire that he may and Causa- 
senamon and the rest of the Pequts be as youre litle do£s 
but not as youre confederates which they say is unworthy 
youreselfe &c. Sir 1 perceave the English about the Bay 
enquire after new places : Capt. Atherton prayes me 
shortly to convey a letter to you : I forgot one passage 
that the Sachims discovered that Wussoonckquassin gave 
peag to the Mauquawogs to retreat: It scemes they are 
(Switzer like) mercenary; and were hired on and of: 
These Sachims 1 believe desire cordially to hould friend- 
ship with both the English and the Mauquawogs together: 
1 am confident (whether they lye or not about Wussoonck- 
quassin) that they never intended hurt against the Eng- 
lish nor yourselfe and yourse especially to whome they 
professe great respect and jointly they desire that We- 
quashcuck may come back to Quawnecontaukit from 
whence he went for if hejoyne with Onkas they suspect 
he will secretly be a means of some of their Deaths. 
Lastly whereas they heard that the women with you were 
something fearfull Nenekunat prayes M rs Winthrop to be 
assured that there never was nor never shall be to his 
knowledge the least offence given to her or her neigh- 
bours by any of his (though he hath learnt it partly by 
your just abhorring of Onkas his outragious carriage among 
you and of which I have not softly told these Messengers 
and the admired parttalitie in the case) Eor a token of 
his fideletie to M rs Winthrop Nenekunat he prays me to 
I vol. ix. 35 



274 The Winthrop Papers. 

write that all the women of his towne shall present M" 
Winthrop with a present of corne at Pwacatuck if she 
please to send in any conveyance to Pwouacartuck for it : 
Sir to gratifie them I am that bold with you and desirin" 
your aeternall peace I rest your worships unworthy 

Roger Williams. 
Sir 

I formerly writ to you and now still crave your help 
with Wequashcuick who keepes basely from me for 5 or 
6 coats and can neither get Peag nor cloth. 

[Labelled, " Rec'd Oct r 16. 1648."] 



XXX. 

j? n „. „ v. hfr: j /„• ~ „. n 4 „ T^hn rjr: - * i . ..... , r 

/lOjjvr j, IHluTflb iu Jvilii r r ITllFUOPf ot * 

For his much honoured and beloved M r John Winthrop at 
Nameug. 

Caucaurnsqussick 7. 9. 48 : 

Kind Sir-— best salutacions &c. I am requested by letter 
of Captaine Atherton to certifie what I can advise about 
Block Hand whether it might be had of the Natives, for 
divers of the English (it seemes to my conjecture) Upon 
some agitations the last court have thoughts this way Sir 
Because God hath pitcht youre tent these waves and 
you know much among the Natives of these parts I judg'd 
it not unfit to pray you helpe me with a word of youre 
information, before I write what otherwise I can, from 
the Barbarians. The Councells of the most High are deepe 
concerning us poore grasshoppers, hopping and skipping 
from branch to twig in this vale of teares. W m Peacock 
hath had a very heavie task in carying Joseph with Cat- 
tell from you — 6 or 7 dayes and nights the poore fellow 
was seeking them (being lost and scattered from Nayan- 
taquist) then he brought 6 to my howse 4 being finally lost : 
I tooke what paines I could to get them sought againe and 
three 1 heare are found : After which W m Peacock is now 
out; and I looke for him this night with those 3: Nene- 
kunat did his part honestly but the youths and boys there- 
abouts (by some occasion hollowing) the cattell thence 



Tlie Winthrop Papers. 



275 



took the woods : Joseph Wild hath writ to me and I ac- 
quaint him with the cause that one man alone can not 
well drive cattell amongst barbarians especially without an 
Indian guide — It were exceeding well that 3 or 4 pole 
were enclosed at Nayantaquist to keep cattell there at 
night for if God vouchsafe peace and plantations (prospers 
\y) there is great needs of it — Sir I desire to be 
lour worships unfaigned 

Roger Williams. 

[Labelled, " ree'd Nov r 9. 1648:"] 



XXXI. 

Roger Williams to John IVinlkrop, Jr. 



J\Ta 



Sir, Loving respects to yourselfe and dearest and M ra 
Lake premised : 2 dayes since Nenekunat came to me 
and requested me to write 2 letters ; the one in answere 
to Capt. Athertons motion for some English planting on 
Block Hand and on a neck at jNayantuqiqt ; the other to 
yourselfe in which protesting his Inocencie as to the 
death of his son in law, with which Onkas, and the Pe- 
quts charge him: He prays you (as of yourselfe) to signifie 
(as much as you can) Items to the Pequts that they be quiet 
and attempt nothing (at least treacherously) against him, 
which he suspects, from words from Onkas, that it will be 
pleasing to the English : Pie prayes you aliso to be mind- 
full of endeavouring to remove Wequashcuik, so constant 
a provocation before him ; and at present he prayes you to 
send for some skins, which lately as Lord of the place he 
hath receaved : I hope the English Sachims as I tell him 
in the spring will heare and gratifie him in his just desires 
the want of which I guess is the cause that he is not uee 
as yet for Block Hand &c but expresseth much if the 
English doe him justice against his enemies : Oh Sir how 
far from nature is the spirit of Christ Jesus that loves and 
pities, prayes for and doth good to enemies ? Sir it is 
like he will request a line of answer, which, if you please 
to give, I pray Sir write when either of those ships you 



276 The Winthrop Papers, 

write of are for England, and by which you write your 
selfe: Aliso where M r Throgmorton is, and whether he 

desires I should trouble you with the Peag of which I 
wrote, which I purpose it' God please funics counter- 
manded by either of you) to send immediately upon hear- 
ing from you : Sir yours II. W . 

Sir, Since I writ this, it pleased God to send a Dutchman 
for an old debt and the same night M r Goodyeare also, 
to whom and his wife (for her former husband) I am in- 
debted, and so was necessitated to make satisfaction to 
M r Goodyeare allso. These providences of God so fall- 
ing will necessarily cause me to be preparing some few 
dayes more that Peag for M r Throgmorton : But most 
certainly it (God please I live) notwithstanding waves 
and weather shall be sent — this I write that although 
M r Throckmorton should depart or come home yet he may 
presume on youre faithfullnes and love to dispose of it as 
he requesteth : Sir youre unworthy — R. W. 

Capt. Underhill now here in a Dutch vessell presents 
loving respects. 

[" No date " ~ an old endorsement. — J. B.] 



XXXII. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For the worshipfull M r John Winthrop at Nameng These. 

Sir Respective salutacions to you both and sister Lake : 
At this instant (the first of the weeke toward noone) I 
receave yourse and shall be glad (if God will) you may 
gaine a seasonable passage by us before the hardest ot 
winter, although I cannot advice you (but to pray against 
winter flights and journeyes) yet if the neeessitie of Gods 
providence so cast it I shall be s;lad that we might have 
you Prisoner in these parts yet once in a few dayes (though 
in deepe snow) here is a beaten path &c Sir Nenekunat 
againe importunes me to write to youre Father and youre 



The Winthrop Papers. 217 

selfe about his and hunting at Pequt, that you would allso 
be pleased to write to youre Father I have endeavoured 
to satisfie him what I can, 'and shall, vet I am willing at 
present to write to you, not so much conceaving thai you 
can further gratiiie him at this time, but that I may by 
this opportunitie salute you with the tidings from the Bay 
the last night. Skipper Isaaek and Moline are come into 
the Bay with a Dutch ship and (as it is said) have brought 
Letters from the States to call home this present Dutch 
Govemoure to answer many complaints both from Dutch 
and English against him: In this ship are come English 
passengers and bring word of the great Trialls it pleaseth 
the Most High and only Wise to exercise both oure native 
England and these parts aliso. 

The Prince is said to be strong at sea and among other 

mischiefps hath t^l'pn AT r Trpricp hi« shin whir»h wont 
t^VUIVi) j l£L«liJ ».wu»*^>* A Bl _A. A "v., A *<^ *^ Xa KJ Will j' VV lllV/ll f » V/ll L 

from hence, and sent it for France it seemes their Rende- 
vouz. 

It is said that after Cromwell had discomfited the Welsh, 
with 6000 he was forced to incounter 19 thousand Scots 
of whome he tooke 9000 prisoners Sic - — great store of 
Scots and Wellsh are sent and sold as slaves into other 
parts: Cromwell wrote to the Parliament, that he hoped 
to be at Edinburg in lew dayes. A commission was sent 
from the Parliament to try the King in the He of Wight, 
lately prevented from escape, 

The Prince of Orenge and the States are falling if not 
already fallen into Warrs which makes some of the States 
to tender Munnadoes as place of Retreat. 

Sir to him in whose favour is Life I leave you, desir- 
ing in him to be Youre Worships unworthy 

Roger Williams. 

John prayes you to be earnest with M r Hollet about his 
howse hoping to be back in a fortnight. 

[Labelled, " rec'd dec r "—- undoubtedly 1648.— J. B.] 



278 The Winthrop Papers. 

XXXIII. 
Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For his much honoured kind friend M r John Winthrop, at 
his howse at Nameug These. 

Cawcaumsqussick. 
Sir 

Best salutacioiis presented to you both with humble 
desires that since it pleaseth God to hinder youre pres- 
ence this way he may please for his infinite mercy sake 
in his sons blood to further cure eternall meeting in the 
presence of him that sits upon the Throne and the Lambe 
for ever and that the hope thereof may be living and bring 
lortii tne lruits Gi love wnere it s posaiuic auu ui laitieiit- 
ing for obstructions. Sir -—the affaires of oure Coimtrey 
(Vaderland, as the Dutch speak) would have afToorded us 
much conference : the mercifull Lord helpe us to make up 
in prayer to his holy Majestic <Sce Sir — for this Land: 
oure poor Colonic is in civiil dissention, their last meetings 
(at which i have not bene) have fallen into factions — M r 
Cottington and Capt, Partridge &c the heads of the one 
and Capt. Clarke, M r Easton 8cc the heads of the other 
faction — I receave letters from both inviting me &c but I 
resolve (if the Lord please) not to ingage unles with ^reat 
hopes of peace making, the peace makers are Sons of God : 
Our Neisrhboures the Nari^ansetts are now consulting and 
making Peag to carie within a few weekes another pay- 
ment : Sir about a month since one William Badger a Sea- 
man and now a planter at W m Fields farme neere Provi- 
dence past by me travelling to the Sea broke I have re- 
ceived letters since from Capt. Mason (to whome I wrote 
by him) and heare nothing of him I feare he miscaried 
for he w r as alone without a <*uide : and since I mention 
Capt. Mason (worthy Sir) I humbly beg of the Father 
of Lights to guide you in youre converse and neighboure- 
hood with him : In his letters to me he tells me of some ex- 
traordinary lifts against Onkas and that he will favoure him, 
but no more then religion and reason bids him, he promiseth 
to visit me in his passage this summer Eastward (I quere he 



The Winthrop Papers. 279 

meanes toward Plymmouth) I shall then argue (if God 
will many things and how it stands with religion and rea- 
son that such a monstrous hurrie and afifrighffhent should 
be offered to an English towne either by Indians or Eng- 
lish, unpunished. Sir you have seene many parts of this 
Worlds snow ball and never found ought but vanitie and 
vexation, at Nameug shall you find no more except in the 
Fountaine of living waters : Sir heape eoales of lire on 
Capt. Masons head, conquer evil with good but be not 
cowardly and overcome with any evili. If you have by 
you the Triall of tvits at convenience spare it me a few 
dayes : however, studie( as the Lord commands your quiet- 
nes for which I shall ever pray and endeavoure : 

Youre Worships unfayned Roger W 7 illiams. 



XXXIV. 



Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For his honoured kind friend 3\P John W 7 inthrop at Na- 
meug. 

Caucaumqiissick 29. 1 1. 48 (so calld). 

Sir best salutacions and wishes to the Father of mercies 
for youre worthy selfe, Yoakfellow, Sister &c. : It must be 
so in this worlds sea— ■ Sicut fluctus fluctum sic luctus luc- 
tum sequitur : And every day hath his sufficiencie or ful- 
nes of evill to all the children of the first sinfull man : No 
persons, no places exempted from the reach of the first 
curse. ftlv humble desire is to the most righteous and 
only wise Judge, that the wood of Christs Gallowes (as 
in Moses act) may be cast into all youre and our bitter 
waters, that thev be sweete and wholesome instructours 
of the fruits of sin, the sorrowes of others abroad (in our 
Englands Aheldama) our owne deservings to it^ upon our 
selves bodies arid soules ("wives and children allso) not by 
barbarians but devilis and that eternally, sorrowes unexpres- 
sible inconceavible, and yet. (if Christs religion be true) un- 
avoidable, but by the blood of a Saviour &c. Sir pardon 



280 The Winthrop Papers. 

me, this is not the matter. Sir youre letters I speedily 
dis patent by a messenger on purpose : For a place 1 know 
indeede of one in Plymmouth claime and would specific 
but that youre spirit being troubled countermanded it 
againe in youre postcript concerning Elderkin, whome 1 will 
(if God will) effectually labour with and write the issue 
with speede : All our neighbours the barbarians, and run 
up and dovvne and consult; partly suspecting like deal- 
ings: Partly ready to fall upon the Monhiggins at your 
word, and a world of foolish agitations I could trouble vou 
with but I tould the Chiefest yesterday that it is not our 
manner to be rash and that you will be silent till youre 
Father and other ancient Sachims speak first k.c. Sir con- 
cerning the bags of oare it is of Rode Hand where is cer- 
tainly affirmed to be both Gold and silver oare upon tri- 
all : M r Codington went to the Bay with his daughter for 
England and left Captaine Partridge in trust withall the 
last weeke at New Port George Wright (alias Captaine 
Wright) stabt with a pike Waiter Lettice at Newport, and 
is in prison the other (if not dead) not like to live: Sir 
yourse ever in all unfeyned respect Sec 

Roger Williams. 

1 want wax to seale otherwayes I would have exprest 
something which I reserve till another season (if the Lord 
will. 



XXXV. 

Boger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr 



Xar, 



Sir best salutacions to youre worthy selfe and yourse 
premised. 

I am glad for youre sake, that it hath pleased God to 
prevent youre winter travel! : though J gladly aliso this last 
weeke expected youre passage and being at Providence 
hastned purposely to attend vou here: Our candle burnes 
out day mid night we neede not hasten its end (by swal- 
Lng) in unnecessary miseries : Unles God call us for him to 



The IVinlhvop Papers. 281 

suffer whose cure breath is, and hath promised to such as 
hate life for him, an reternall. Sir this last weeke I read 
an Ordinance of both howses (dated f> r Monr. May last) 
decreeing Death to some consciences, but imprisonment to 
farr more, even (upon the point) to ail but presbyterian : 
We have a sound, that Fairfax and Cromwell are proclaim- 
ed Traitours, but 1 rather credit that report, that Cromwell 
only was sent for by the Parliament which it seemes in- 
clines with the King, and the City all against the Army : 
The Earl of Warwick was gone for Holland with 22 ships 
pursuing the Prince: M r Foot and others went to Holland 
(whether M r Trerice his ship was caried) and were offered 
the ship for 2 thousand pound but I cannot heare of their 
agreement, About 40 from the Parliament w r ent to the 
King to the He of Wight (who was lately and strangely 

Prevented of escBpe^ to treat, b'li" could not a^ree ""c* 1 ! 
the first viz : that the King should acknowledge the be- 
ginning of the war to be his: Sir this is the chiefe of 
matters told me few dayes since by M r Throckmorton who 
came 10 dayes since from the Bay and came well in a full 
laden vessel! to anchor by Saconet rocks but it pleased 
God his new Cabell was cut by the rocks and he drove 
upon Rode Hand shoare, where it is feard the vessell is 
spoild but (through Gods mercy) he saved his goods : Sir 
M r Bruster (by letter) reo i uests me to conveigh three let- 
ters and ba2;s of mettall to you, I wish they may have 
Worth in them especially to draw r us up to dig into the 
Heavens for true treasure : Sir (though M r Brewster write 
me not word of it) yet in private I am bold to tell you 
that I heare it hath pleased God greatly to aflict him in 
the thornes of this life: He was intended for Virginia, his 
creditours in the Bay came to Portsmouth and unhung his 
rudder carried him to the Bay where he was forced to 
make over all house land cattell and part with all to his 
chest : Oh how sweet is a drie morsell and an handfull 
with quietnes from earth and Heaven : Sane nescio de quo 
scribis furti suspecto ; John Jones is thought here to be 
false or faultie ;• He said he was youre servant that you 
gave him lOsh. in Peag to beare his charges, which being 
stole out of his pocket he borowed so much of me here ifl 
youre name promising to pay me at his returne being to 
vol. ix. 36 



282 The IVinlhrop Papers. 

receave monv for you in the Bay; he had allso iOsh. 

more to buy for me 2 or 3 necessaries; He took 27sh 6d, 
of Valentine M r Smiths man — my neighb#ure at the 
trading hovvse for a drum which he said he left at my 
bowse at Providence which drum cost him 48sh. and he 
promised to send it by an Indian but refused and oJ 
to sell it againe at Providence: It is now attached. M 
Brewster requested me to pay the Bag carriers which I 
have thus orderd that 6 awle blades i pay to a Native to 
cary to Nenekunats and pray you to pay 6 more to him 
that brings them to you : I am sorry you had no more 
corne from Nenekunat yet glad you had so much for I am 
forced to pay 4sh. the bushell for all I spend : Sir 1 have 
not knowne the like of Indian madnes : The Father of 
Lights cause us to blesse him for and with oure reason, 
remembring Nabuchadnezzar. 

Sir I desire to be yourse ever in Christ Jesus 

Roger Williams, 

[Probably written in February, or early in March, 1648-9. — J. S.] 



XXXVI. 

Roger Williams to John JVinthrop, Jr. 

For the worshipfull his kind friend M r John Winthrop at 
Nameug. 

Caucaumsqussick 1. 48 (so calPd). 

Sir, Best respects and love presented, and thanks hearty 
for your letters former and latter all now receaved : I a in 
againe importun'd by our neighbour Sachims (having heard 
of Wequashcucks carying of Peag to Capt. Mason) to pray 
you to informe them whether that Peag be part of the 
payment: because Wequashcuck and his company refuse 
to pay. They desire me allso to write to the Ba) about it, 
which I deferr. to do untill their payments goe, which are 
something delayed because of the death of Nenekunats 
wives mother which is the same you write of. Wequash 
cucks mother, and it is now Qunnantacaun, thai is 



Ic f 



The Winthrop Papers. 283 

entatiom Sir, since I wrote to you our 4 townes met 
by Deputies 6 out of a Tow ne : This Court last vveeke 
wrote to me Infourmacion of their choice of mv selfe i)cp : 
President in the Absence of the President, who, whether 
they have fixed on yourselfe, or M r Coddingtons faction 
praevaile to keepe his name in (now gone for England) I 
can not yet learne) but I have excused my selfe for some 
Reasons and I hope they have chosen better: 1 wrote to 
them about an Act of Oblivion which (blessed be the God 
of Peace) they have past, and have appointed a Court of 
Election in the 3 d month at Warwick : Sir, I am exceed- 
inge glad of youre beginnings at Pwockatuck- — I pray faile 
not to enquire whether there or from Monhiggin or Qunnih- 
ticut you can helpe me to 100 bushels of Indian Come: To 
youre deare yoakfellow and sister respective salutacion : 
The Suo o( Righteousnes graciously shine on yen I do 
sire unfaignedly to be youre worships unfayned in love — 

R. W. 

The Sachims pray you to tell them whether their Peag 
will be sold at underrates as Pumhommin comming2 dayes 
since from the Ray infoFm.es them viz : that they must pay 
great black at 13 to the peny and small black at. 15 : and 
white 8 to the peny— I tell them the last yeare it was 
measured and so word was sent to me they should pay it 
by measure. 

[Labelled, " ree'd March 23. 1648."] 



XXXVI 3. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For his honoured kind friend M r John Winthrop at Pequt. 

Sir I am the more easily perswaded by this barbarian 
Prince Nenekunat to trouble you so often that I may the 
oftener heare of youre wellfare and at present how it pleas- 
ed God to bring yon home to yourse againe : Upon youre 
word, Nenekunat prayes you to send him word, when 
within 10 dayes (of this 5 l of the weeke present) you will 



284 The Winthrop Papers. 

please to meetc him at Wequatuckqut : so it be when AT 
Stanton is present : lie would confer about M r Elio;> letu r 
and coate, about. Wequshcucks usurping at Kwoakatuck, 
about his present hunting, about the present disposal! of 
the Pequt fields, about his letters to the Bay, which (in 
youre name) I have almost perswaded to suspend i 
the meeting of the Commissioners at Boston : Here is now 
a great hurrie made by Auquontis one of those pettie Sa- 
chims of wbome M r Eliot wrote to you and me : He hath 
offerd great abuse to one of the chiefe and Nenekunat is 
now going to Qunnunnagut about him 1 perswade not to 
engage themselves but send him to the Bay with my let- 
ter : Sir Loving respects to M rs Winthrop M rs Lake whome 
God graciously with youre loving selfe and yourse bind up 
in the bundle of that life, which is eternal! in Christ Jesus, 
in whomc I desire to he 

Yourse ever Roger Williams. 
[No date.] 



XXXVIII. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For the worshipful! M r John Winthrop at Pequt. 

jYar: 9. 3. 49 (so calld). 
Sir: Best salutations and wishes presented to your dear- 
est with your self &c : These inclosed came to my hand 
in 2 several] letters from the Bay inclosed, your brother in 
a letter from him requesting my helpe &c I have there- 
fore speeded them by the Sachims who will therefore ex- 
pect some word of tidings from the Bay, which you may 
please to si^nifie in one line to me whatever you heare or 
can [icell] collect will be any word of tidings and by which 
occasion (if vou have occasion) you may well rescribe : 
Benedict was desired by the Mayisstrates in the Bay to 
take [spcciall] care to charge Wequashcuck concerning 
[Nenekunat]* he hath requested this taske from me which 
[this morning] I purpose to doe (with Gods helpe) carefuiiy: 



The Winthrop Papers. 285 

Sir — 2 dayes since (my boate not being fitted) comming 
from Providence I was (in Articulo temporis) snatcht 
by a merciful] and some say a miraculous hand from the 
J awes of Death : The Canovv being over set some goods 
to some valew were sunck, some whereof f hope (if God 
please to recover) however, Blessed be Cod, and blessed 
are such whome he correcteth and teacheth in him. 
Yours he graciously make me, though unworthy 

Roger Williams. 

[An old endorsement, " May 11. 1649 or 1650," — probably the date 
of its receipt. 

This letter is much torn. * Such words as are supplied by the pres- 
ent interpreter are printed in Italic and included in brackets. — J. B.] 



XXXIX. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To my much respected friend M r John Winthrop at Pequt. 

13. 3. '49 so caWd. ; 
Sir—: Salutacions Sec: 

You re last letter (which you mention I sent by the way 
of the English since I came hither from Providence : I 
know of no letter of yours that came back as you write : 
one of mine to yourself (when you were in the Bay) was 
met by the Peag Messengers from the Bay and brought 
by them againe to my hand because (as they conceaved) 
the whole about Onkas his wounding" was not yet (as 
then) knowne which at your comming hither (by the 
English Relation) was perfected ; tidings from Onkas is 
that the English come from the Bay to Hartford about 
Onkas and are appointed to take this way and to take 
Nenekunat with them : Aquawoce (Wepiteammock) is 
at the point of death: expectat nos mors ubique cur non 
nos mortem : In life and death the Sonn of God shine on 
us. in him 

Yourse I desire to be ever unfaigned — 

Roger Williams. 



286 The IVjnthrop Papers. ' 

XL. 
Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For his honoured kind friend M r John Winthrop at Na- 
me ug — These. 

JVar: 26. 3. 49. (so calld). 

Sir: Loving respects to. jour deare selfe and dearest 
&,c : This last of the weeke in the morning jour man and 
all his charge are come just now to me in safetie : I my 
selfe allso came hither late last night and wet from War- 
wick where this Colony met, and upon discharge of mv 
service we chose M r Jo. Smith of Warwick (the Marchant 
or Shop keeper that lived at Boston fcr this yeare President) 
Some were hold (though Capt. Clark was gone to the Bay 
and absent) to use your name, and generally applauded 
and earnestly desired in case of any possible stretching our 
bounds to you, or your drawing neare to us though but to 
Pwocatuck : One law past that the Natives should no 
longer abuse us but that their black should goe with us as 
with themselves at 4 p peny. All wines and strong waters 
forbidden the natives througout the Colonic only a privi- 
ledge betrusted in my hand to spare a little for necessities 
&lc. Sir tidings are high from England many ships from 
many parts say and a Bristoll ship come to the lie of 
Shoales within few dayes conflrme that the King and many 
great Lords and Parliament men are beheaded ; London 
was shut up on the day of Execution not a dore to be opened 
&c : The States of Holland and the Prince of Orange 
(forced by them) consented to proceedings : It is said M r 
Peters preached (after the fashion of England the funeral 
sermon to the King after sentence out of the terrible de- 
nunciation to the Kins: of Babilon Esa 14. 18. &:c : Your 
letter to your brother 1 delivered to M r Gold (going to 
Boston) this weather I presume hinders : M r Andrewes a 
gentleman of Warwick tould me that he came from the 
Bav where he heard that the Bay had proclaimed war with 
the Narigansetts : I hope it is but mistaken : And yet all 
under and while we are under the Sunn nothing but vani- 



The Winthrop Papers. 



287 



tie and vexation : The most glorious Son of Righteousness 
shine gratiouslj on us in him I desire to be Sir ever yours 

Roger Williams. 



[The old endorsement is, 
the king."] 



M r Williams of the hi<:h newts about 



XLI. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

Caucumsquissick \o. 4. 49 (so calPd). 

Sir best salutacions &c. The last night one of We- 
quashcucks Pequts brought me very privatly letters from 
C.xut Mason (and as he said from Onkas and Wequash- 
cucks) the letters are kind to myself acknowledging loving 
letters (and tokens which upon the burning of his howse) 
he had received from me &c But terrible to all these 
natives especially to the Sachims and most of all to Nene- 
kunat: The purport of the letters and concurrence of cir- 
cumstances seem to me to imply some present conclusions 
(from Qunnihticut) of hostilitie, and 3 question whether 
or no present and speedie before the meeting of Commis- 
sioners, which I saw lately from the Court under M r Now- 
ell's hand not to be till the 7 lh month : The murthring of 
Onkas is alleadged by stabbing and since attempted by 
witches kc. The conclusion is therefore Ruine — The 
words of the letter are : If nothing but blood will satisfie 
them I doubt not but they may have their fill : And again 
I perceave such an obstinate willfullness joined with des- 
perate malicious practices that I thinck and believe they 
are sealed to destruction : Sir there are many devices in 
a mans heart but the councell of Jehovah shall stand. If 
he have a holy and righteous purpose to make us drinck 
of our mothers cup : The holynes nor power nor policie of 
New England can stop his hand : He be pleased to pre- 
vent it if not to sweeten it : Sir I pray if you heare ought, 
signifie .in a line, and you shall not faile of my poore pa- 
pers and prayers. 

Yours unfavned — R. W. 



288 The Winthrop Papers. 

Your letters and friends were here some dayes with 
rue: This last choice at Warwick (according to my soulns 

wish and endeavour) hath given me rest others are chos- 
en, M r John Clark at New Port to whome and all m\ 
friends on the Hand I wrote effectually, thether they went 
I bene nothing since : If power had heene with me such 
a worck of mercy (although to strangers) I hope, by the 
Lords assistance shall not escape me : and I have promis- 
ed my assistance to M 1 ' Clarke and others at Newport, if 
any blame or dammage befall them from the Colony or 
elswhere. Sir I forgot to thanck you for the pamphlets 
although (not having bene lately at Providence) 1 have 
them not: but J have sent for them: I have here now with 
me my eldest daughter, of 17 Her younger sister of 15 
hath had natures cource before her which she wanting, a 
iluxe of retime hath much, affected her head and right eye, 
she hath taken much physick and bene let blood but yet 
no change, she is advised by some to the Bay : I pray ad- 
vize me to whome you judge fittest to addresse unto of 
the Bayes Phycitians : 

Sir-— I heare a smith of youre towne hath left you and 
saith I sent for him 'tis most untrue though we want one 
at Providence, yet I should condemne in myself or any to 
invite any convenience or commoditie from our friends: I 
know him not nor ever spake (to my knowledge about 
him. M r Throckmorton hath lately brought in some 
corne from Hemstead and those parts but extraordinarie 
deare I pay him 6sh. for Indian and 8sh. for wheat. 
These raines if God please to give peace promise hopes of 
plenty. 

Two dayes since letters from my brother: he saith a 
ship was come to the Bay from England : She was not 
come yet in the River: a loyter went aboord, brought the 
confirmation of the Kings death but no other particulars. 
The ever living King of Kings shine on us kc. 

[Labelled, " Rec'cl June 15. 1649."] 



The Winthrop Papers. 



289 



XLH. 

John Winthrop, Jr., to Roger HI! Hams. 

To my much respected friend M r Roger Williams. 

Pequot Oclob: 7. 50. 
Sir This afternoone 2 Indians came to nie who said they 
were sent by Nenekunnath to informe me that there were 
an 100 Englishmen at Webetummacks where also your 
selfe and all the Narygansetts Sachems were, that Nenek: 
and the Sachems were bound by the English which al- 
though I doe not believe, yet they affirming confidently 
that your selfe are at Webetummacks, I thought it iitt 
(they desiring also a letter) to request a word or 2 from 
yon what the matter is. I have not heard what hath beene 
determined by the Commissioners, in any particular, but 
these Indians hasty coming and as hasty returning, makes 
me thinke there is eyiher some message to the Indians by 
some considerable number of persons, or they have heard 
some reports which makes them feare something to be 
done : because I am wholy ignorant of matters I desire 
to know the truth and so with my love remembred I. rest 

Your loving friend 

John Winthrop. 

I pray informe what English men, what number, whom 
chief. 



XLIII. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

War: 9, 8. 50 (so calld.) 
S r best respects and love presented to your selfe and 
dearest. My bowse is now filled with souldiers and there- 
fore in hast I write in an Indian house: It hath pleased 
God to give me, and the English, and the Natives that 
were met togeather and the whole land I believe a gracious 
deliverance from the plauge of warr: On the last day 
last came to my howse Capt. Atherton with above 20 
souldiers and 3 horse : The Capt. requested me presently 
vol, ix. 37 



290 The Winthrop Papers, 

to travel! to the Sachims (met togeather in mourning for 
Wepheammocks dead son within 3 or 4 mile of my 
house) and to demand the rest of the pay 308 fath : and 
200 more for these charges &;c. I went alone and drew 
them out of the mourning howse who answered they were 
ever resolved to pay but they were distracted by that 
peace broke by the Monhiggins in that Hostilitie begun 
upon them at Pcqut which they answerd not because of 
the English; but expected satisfaction, but receave none 
&c Yet they refused not to pay : I returned and the Capt. 
with me went to them and 2 or 3 souldiers as was agreed 
and after a li tie discourse we agreed in the same place to 
meete on the second day: We did and all day till night, 
the Capt. demanded the peag or two Sachims the Na- 
tives promised peag within a litle time : the Capt. would 
have I or 2 present and in the evening drew up his men 
(unknowne to me sent for) round about the Sachims in a 
hole and the Indians (20 for one of us) armed and ready 
with guns and bowes about us the Capt. desired me to 
tell the Sachims he would take by force Nenekunat and 
Pesiccosh then I protested to the Capt before Indians and 
English I was be.traid for first I would not have hazarded 
life or blood for a litle money : 2 if my cause and call 
were right. I would not be desperate with so few men to 
assault Kings in the midst of such guards about us. and 
I had not so much-as knife or stick about me : After long 
Agitacions upon the ticklish point of a great slaughter (as 
all the souldiers now confesse) the God of mercy ap- 
peared. I pers waded the Capt. to stay at my howse 4 
dayes and the natives within 4 dayes to bring in the peag 
and I would lay downe 10 fath : (as formerly I had done 
20 (God knowes beyond my Abilitie). 

Sir to morrow the peag is to come I hope such a quan- 
tise as will stop proceedings : I tould the Capt : he had 
desperatly betraid me and him selfe : he tells me he will 
give me good satisfaction before he depart: I presume he 
feares God in the maine but leare he can never satisfie 
me nor his owne conscience, which I hope the Lord vvili 
shew him and shew the Countrev what dangerous Conn- 
cells the Commissioners produce : which makes me feare 
God is preparing a Warr in the Countrey. Just now a 



The Winthrop Papers. 291 

letter from Rode Hand comes for my voyage for Engl: 
but as yet I resolve not God graciously be pleased to set 
our Affections on another Couture) and him idle above in 
his deaie Son. 

Sir yours in him I desire to be unfaigned 

R: W. 

[Labelled, "M r Williams 8. 9. 49." There seem* to be a mistake 
in this date. Mr. Williams calls it 1650. — J. B.] 



XLIV. 

John Winthrop, Jr.. to Roger Williams. 

Pequot jYov t 10. 1650. 
Sir 
1 received your iCttcr tnis morning arm must write back. 

in hast, the messengers being hastily to returne, thanking 
you for the intelligence of this matter, which neyther from 
the Commissioners or from any of the Government or any 
other way I have had the least intimation either by mes- 
sage, or letter. I thanke you chiefly for your endeavours 
of bringing the Indians to a peaceable conclusion of mat- 
ters. The whole countrey are much obliged to you for 
your care herein, as formerly for your labours and travailes 
in this kind, which they cannot be so sensible of, who 
doe not fully understand the nature and manner of the 
indians who are brought to a right [cet. desunt.] 

[This fragment seems to be the answer of* Governor Winthrop 
to the preceding letter. Upon the back in Governor W.'s hand, — 
" Copy of my letter to M f Williams in answer to his of 8. 9. 49." It 
should be remarked that Governor W. makes the same mistake, as re- 
gards the date, as in his endorsement on Mr. Williams's letter. — J. B.] 



XLV. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

Sir Loving; respects to you both with M ra Lake and 
yours: By this opportunitie I am bold to inform you that 
from the Bay 1 heare of the sentence on M r Clarke, to be 
whipt of pay 20£ : Obadiah Holmes whipt or 30£ ; on 
John Crandall whipt or o£ : This bearer heares ol no 



292 The IVinthrop Papers. 

payment nor execution but rather a Demurr, and some 
kind of conference : The Father of lihts graciously guide 
them and us in such paths for other succour then that ( in his 
mouth) Christ Jesus ware not among the Church' 
lat: 1.) Sir upon those provocations that lately (as in 
my last I hinted Auquontis gave the Sachims, Nenekunat 
Wepitammock and Pesiecosh went in person to their 
towne (Chaubatick) and upon Pummakommins telling the 
Sachims that he was as great a Sachim as they, they all 
fell togeather by the eares : yet no blood spilt : The 
Chaubatick Indians send to the Bay : They say Auquontis 
is sent for and Neneskunat, but I know no certaine other 
then messengers passing to and againe from Chaubatick 
to the Bay. Here was last weeke M r Sellick of Boston 
and M r Gardiner a young Merchant to fetch my corne and 
more from M r Paine of S£cunck they are bound to the 
French, unles diyerted : They tell me of a ship of 300, 
come from Barbados, M r Wall the Master stood, upon his 
guard while he staid there, he brought some passengers 
former Inhabitants from London whose case was sad there 
because of the posture of the Hand (where as I have by 
letter from a Godly friend there, they force all to sweare 
to Religion and lawes : This M r Wall hath a new and 
great designe viz : from hence to the East Indies : The 
Frigots designed for Barbados were ordered for Silly 
which they assaulted and tooke Forts and Ordinance and 
Frigots and drove the Governoure into his last Fort. It 
hath pleased God to bring youre ancient acquaintance and 
mine M r Coddington in M r Carwithy his ship of 500: 
He is made Governour of this Colonic for his life : Gen 1 
Cromwell was not wounded nor defeated (as is said) but 
sick of flux and leaver and mending and had a victorie over 
the Scots: Sir this world passeth away and the (cynici) 
fashion, shape and forme [of] it only the word of Jehovah 
remain es, that word Literal! is sweete as it is the field 
where the mistocall word or treasure Christ Jesus lies 
hid. In him I hope to be 

Youres R. W. 

Sir to M r Blindman loving salutations. 
[No date nor envelope. Last of July or first of August, 1G51. — J. S.j 



The Winthrop Papers. 293 

XLVL 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For his honoured kind friend M r John Winthrop at Pequt. 

, Sir Loving respects &c Yourse receaved and the 10sh s 
from youre neighboure Eiderkin, and letters which shall 
carefully be sent : I came from Providence last night and 
was able by Gods Mercifull Providence so to order it that 
I was their Pilot to my bowse here from whence I have 
provided a Native who with Jo Fosseker I hope will bring 
them safe to you: The Mercifull Lord helpe you and 
me to say as Salomon All that comes is vanitie ; All cat- 
tell, all goods, all friends, all children £cc. I met M r 
John Clarke ai Providence recens t carcere. jhui^ ncu. 
great hammering about the disputation but they could not 
hit, and although (my much lamented friend) the Gover- 
nour told him that he was worthy to be hanged &c Yet 
he was as good as thrust out without pay or whipping 
&c. But Obadiah Holmes remaines : M r Carwithy is 
gone with his Ship to the Eastward for Masts and returnes 
3 weekes hence to set saile for England : Sir I have a 
great suit to you, that at your leasure, you would fit and 
send something that you find suitable to these Indian 
bodies in way of purge or vomit; as allso some drawing 
plaister and if the charge rise to one or two crownes I 
shall thankfully send it and commending you and yourse 
to the only great and good Phycitian desire Sir to be ever 
yourse in him K. W. 

[No date. Probably August or September, 1651. — J. S.] 



XLVII. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop, Jr. 

For my honoured kind friend M r John Winthrop at Pequt. 

JYar. 6. 8. 51 (50 called). 
Sir — Once more my loving and deare respects presented 



294 The Winthrop Papers, 

to you both and M rs Lake: being now bound resolvedly 
(if the Lord please) for our Native Countrey: I am not 
certaine whether by the way of the English (you know 
the reason) or by the way of the Dutch : My Neighbours 
of Providence and Warwick (whom I also lately denied) 
with importunities have over come me to endeavour the 
renewing of their liberties upon the occasion of 3VT Cod- 
dington's late grant. Upon this occasion I have bene 
advised to sell and have sold this howse to M r Smith my 
neighbour, who also may possibly be yours, for ] heare he 
is like to have M r3 Chester: Sir I humbly thanck you for 
all your loving kindnesses to me and mine unworthy — 
The Father of mercies graciously reward you guide you 
preserve you save sanctifie and glorifie you in the blood 
of his deare Son: In whom I mourn I am no more and 
desire to be yours unfeignedly eternally 

Roger Williams. 

This bearer comming now from England will acquaint 
you Sec. 

To all yours and all my friends my loving salutations — 
M r Sands of Boston and John Hazell of Secunck are gone 
before us. 



XLVIIL 

Rev. John Davenport to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To bis Honoured freind John Winthrop Esq r these pre- 
sent in Pequot. 

Worthily Honourd Sir, 

Upon frequent reports of Gods gracious blessing your 
labours with good success, in sundry cures, I was desirous 
to have made a journey to Pequot, to confer with you 
about the state of my body, and desired brother Andre wes 
to signifie the same unto you, by whom I understand that 
there is no conveniencie for myne and ray wifes and my 
sonnes lodging and other accomodations there, and that 
your selfe are upon a journey shortly per the Baye. i have 



The Winthrop Papers, 295 

therefore hyred this Indian to be the bearer of these lines, 
and pray you to returne by him your advise, not concern- 
ing my distemper, which I cannot so fully declare, by 
wrighting, to your satisfaction, and myne owne, as is 
meete, but concerning my way. My wife inclineth to our 
travayling with you to Boston, if you judge that a place 
and time fill lor mc to enter into any course of physick, 
but I heare the apothecary wants supplyes of things, miles 
Carwithy be come. I heare that M r Lyng etc newly re- 
turned from the Baye saw a vessel at sea about 200 tunne 
coming toward Boston, and I foare that your buisenesses 
there will not permit liberty for that, and that my body 
and the season will not suite it : yet if you advize it, as 
convenient, I shall consider what you propound. If not ; 
my desire is to know, when you purpose to returne, if God 
please. I was glad when he told me ihai you had some 
purpose of coming into these parts, and shall be more glad, 
if I may understand from yourselfe, that you continue that 
resolution, and will be pleased to put it into execution, at 
your returne from the Baye, and to accept of my house 
for your entertainment, during your abode in these parts, 
there to refresh yourselfe, with as- 

surance that you shall be most heartily wellcom to us. 
If you require it, for the preparing of directions suitable 
to my case r that I give you notice of it particularly, before 
hand, I shall, by the next opportunity, answer your de- 
sire, upon notice when my letter may probably flnde you 
at home: or, if you incourage us to come to pequot, after 
your returne, we shall attend you there. But, if you can 
affoard me some liberty of discourse with you here before 
your journey to the Baye, I thincke, that would be best : 
and I should be very much obliged unto you for that your 
labour of love However: let me receive such answer as 
you can, by this bearer, present my true Respects to M 1 " 3 
Winthrop, with loving salutacons to M f Blyndman. The 
Lord Jesus dwell with you in peace ! In whom I rest, 

Sir, yours assured 

John Davenporte. 

JYewhcwcn this 20'* d. of the 6 h m. 1G53. 



296 The Winthrop Papers. 

XLIX. 

Edward Wigglestcorth to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To the much honoured, M r John Winthrop at his house 
in Pequot, these present - — 

Much honoured Sir 

The great incouragement which I found from my Sons 
being with you, declaring your willingnes to have come 
visited mee, had not occasions prevented doth embolden 
mee to present to your godly and wise consideration a de- 
scription of my weak and feeble state of my body. Winter 
was 12 yeares being very hot upon a cold day, I tooke a 
lift and strain'd my selfe, as I thought in the small ui* mv 
back, and tooke cold upon it : but felt no paine ; but 
weaknes presently appeared there and ever since. The 
effect of this appeared betimes in the spring in my head ; 
when I looked upwards being ready to fall backward, and 
-when I looked downward, to fall forward. And in my 
legs and feet benummednes, as if they were asleep by 
lying double under mee. My body was much as it had 
been by the scurvy a yeare or two before, and therefore 
thinking it had been the scurvy, I neglected the- use of any 
meanes that spring : But finding that Summer I grew 
worse, I applyed my selfe in the Autumne to what meanes 
God presented; as namely hot artificial bathes, I think 16. 
At the spring following oiles, ointments, plaisters, but all 
effected nothing, but 1 grew worse upon them. By this 
time I was scarce able to goe without a staffe, my weak- 
nes holding mee most in my lower parts first; which hath 
gathered upward by little and little, that now it is come 
up to the head, in so much that I have not ability to move 
one joint in my body, save only my neck a little, but tho' 
all motion is quite gone yet sense remaineth quick in every 
part : And thorough the goodn.es of God, my understand- 
ing, memory; with my eyesight and hearing, remaine un- 
touched: neither is my stomach apt to he offended with 
food, but a small quantity suitable to my weaknes it can 
close with. I do not find any sicknes within save onely the 



The Winthrop Papers. 297 

paine of wearines thorough setting and lying. I am not 
sensible of any obstruction in my inward parts. My flesh 

is much fallen which began first in my lower parts and 
now is in my upper parts; but my complexion remaineth 
pretty ruddy in my lace. My age is about 49 yeares. 

Now Honoured Sir, my request to you i* that you would 
seriously consider this my condition, and if it shall please 
God to discover to you any cranny of hope of any degree 
of cure ; that you would be pleased to send me your 
thoughts in a few lines ; whether you would advise nice to 
come to your plantation ; and if so ; at what time may bee 
most seasonable ; and whether I may have a suitable room 
for one in my condition, for myselfe, wife and daughter 
to sojourn in, and whether your plantation be provided 
with supplies of provision for pay, or whether I must bring 
with mee for the supply of my family. It the bearer 
hereof, my trusty and beloved friend M r Benjamin Ling, 
shall abide with you any time, so as you can issue your 
thoughts, then I should leave it- to your godly wisedome 
whether to write by him, though by the Bay or any other 
way that may be probably more speedy. Thus having 
used great libertie and boldnes with you, I commend you, 
and the guidance of you in this and all other your affaires 
to the good spirit of God. 
and Rest 

your poor afflicted Brother in Ch l 

Edward Wiggles worth. 

jYew-kaoen. July 18. [No year given.] 



L. 

Rev. John Davenport to John Winthrop, Jr. 

To his Honoured friend John Winthrop Esq r these present 
at Hartford. 

Honoured Sir> 

After Brother Molthrops return, I. sent another letter to 
you by the way of Gillford dated the 22' ! of y e 6 th where- 
in I propounded my apprehension touching the months 

vol. ix. 38 



298 The Winthrop Papers. 

of October and 9ber and desired your serious thoughts 
whether that might not be a tolerable and hbpefull season 

lor our transportation to England which I still desire and 
now the rather because, probably that will be the time for 
the fleet to be upon theyre voyadge thitherward: and 
in an ordinary way the michaeimas storms will be over 
and the cold of winter avoided. Also to your quasries 
about an house and convenient transportation of yours 
hither from Pequot, I wrote what our Governor suggested 
and undertooke, with whom you will now have opportu- 
nity of satisfying your selfe by orall discourse. I conclud- 
ed those lines thus, though it pleaseth you 7 to insist in the 
difficulties formerly aileadged concerning my case as still 
deterring you from giving me such encouragement as 1 
desire, and as you see my case requireth ; yet, if you will 
but in two or three words, say thus much to me, that [ 
may venture to stay here this winter, (and neglecting the 
opportunity of this passage in the 8 th or 9 th months) with- 
out manifest danger of rendering myself incurable by de- 
laies, and that you will apply such means as you conceive 
to be suitable to my condition ; I will willingly, upon such 
encouragement from you stay, this winter, way ting upon 
God for his blessing whereunto I shall now add the rea- 
son of my desiring such encouragement from you, which 
is, for the satisfaction of my conscience, because of the 6 l '\ 
comandment, that I have not of myne owne head or with- 
out a justifiable ground, waved such a season as Gods 
providence seemeth to present unto me by the fleete 
• wherein Brother Martin is M r of a special! good ship 
where good accomodations may be rationally expected, if 
he hath seasonable notice of my purpose. Also I rind this 
clause in your last letter (If upon further thoughts, you can 
consider anything that may be usefuil for the stopping oi 
my distemper, that may be had, you will wrighte further) 
and if you can find meanes to prepare any special arcanum, 
that may probably doe me good, for the stopping the pro- 
ceeding thereof, , you will not neglect to indeavour) this 
clause I look at as a full expression of your love and desire 
of procuring my recovery, by the blessing of God and as a 
strong obligation unto me to retume many hearty thanks 
to you for such a favor. Nor can I omit to intreatc your 



The Winthrop Papers. 299 

eflectuall prosecution of that your purpose towards me, 
and some notice from you whether you have considered 
and found accordingly, to your own satisfaction : and 
whether \ may expect, with relyance upon you, any \\ 

from you, this Autumn y s season now beginning to suite 
the use of means, pardon (Worthy Sir) this boldness and 
interruption of your more weighty affairs and be pleased 
to return speedily as cleare and satisfying an answer as 
you can, that I may understand my way, by the will of 
God, upon whom I waite desiring to be found always in 
his way, as one wholly unbyassed to any way of my owne 
choosing. Farewell, Honored Sir, in our Lord Jesus in 



whom I rest 



your very^rnuch obliged friend to serve you 

John Davenport. 

Newhaven f H m day of the T n month. 54. 



LI. 

Roger Williams to John Winthrop. 

New Providence this 15 th of the 5'. 
Sir, 

For the captives and bootie I never heard any of these 
Natives question the Acts of the English, only that Native 
who brought letters to you from Capt. Patrick and was 
twice at Boston related so much as I wrote of in my 
former, at his return to the Nanhiggansick, viz. that your- 
selfe should be angry with the English &c. I met since 
with him and he sayth, he had it not from yourselfe but 
an English man at Roxbury. I thought good to cleare 
your name and remoove suspicions from M r Stoughton &.c. 

Wequash is alive so is also the other like to recover of 
his wound. I never heard that Miantunnomu was dis- 
pleased with Wequash for any service to the English, but 
that Wequash was suspected to deale falsely -when he 
went to hunt for the Pequts at the rivers mouth. Tis 
true there is no feare of God before their eye and all the 
cords that ever bound the barbarous to forreiners were 
made of selfe and covetousnes. Yet if I mistake not, I 



500 The IVinlhrop Papers. 

observe in Miantunnomu some sparkes of true friendship. 
Could it be deepely imprinted into him that the Eng 
never intended to despoile him of the country, I prob 
conjecture his friendship would appear in attendin 
with 500 men (in case) against any fopreigne Enemie. 

The Neepmucks are returned with 3 heads of the Wun- 
nashoatuckoogs. They slue 6, wounded many, and brought 
home 20 Captives. 

Those Inlanders are fled up toward the Mowhauogs. 
So they say is Sasacous. Our friends at Qunnihticut are 
to cast a jealous eye at that people. They say (unles 
they are belied) that they wish to warr with the English 
&,c. 

Truel.y, Sir, to speake my thoughts Jn your eare frely, 
I blesse the Lord for your mercifull dealing <Scc but feare 
that some innocent blood cryes at Qunnihticut. Many 
things may be spoken to prove the Lords perpetual! 

warr with Amalek extraordinary and misticall : but the 2 
Kings 14. 5. 6 is a bright light discovering the ordinary 
path wherein to walke and please him. If the Pequts 
were murtherers (though pretending revenge for Sasacous 
his fathers death, which the Dutch affirmed was from M r 
Governor) yet not comparable to those treacherous ser- 
vants that slue their Lord and King Joash K. of Judah 
and tipe of Jesus, yet the fathers only perish in their sinn, 
in the place quoted &c. The blessed Lam be of God wash 
away Iniquitie and receave us graciously. Thus with 
best salutes to your honored selfe and yours, M r Deputie, 
M r Bellingham and other honored friends with them and 
dayly cryes to the Father of mercies for you 
I rest your worships unfaigned 

Roger Williams. 
Postscript) 

Sir, to yours brought by Juanemo on the Lords day. 
I could have little speech with him ; but concerning Mian- 
tunnomu, I have not heard as yet of any unfaythfullnes 
towards us. I know they bely each other, and I observe 
our countrymen have allmost quite forgotten our great pre- 
tences to King and State and all the world concerning their 
soules Sec. I shall desire to attend with my poore helne 
to discover any perfidious dealing, and shall desire the re- 



The Wiaihrop Papers. 301 

venge of it for a common good and peace, though my selfe 
and mine should perish by it. Yet I ieare the Lords quar- 
rell is not. ended, for which the warr began, viz. the lit In 
sence (1 speak for the general!) (that I can heare of) of 
their soules condition and our large protestations that way 
&c. The generall speech is, all must be rooted oul 
The body of the Pequin men yet live, and are only removed 
from their dens. The good Lord grant, thai the Movv- 
liaugs and they and the whole at the last unite not, For 
mine owne part I cannot be without suspicions of it. 

Sir, I thankfully expect a litle of your helpe (in a way 
of justice and sequitie) concerning another un[just] debtor 
of mine, M r Ludlow, from whom allso (in mine absence) 
I [have] much suffered. The good Lord smile upon you 
and yours in the face of his annointed. 



A GUI WOrSiiipS uiinui'Uiy 



R. W. 



[In transcribing the foregoing letter, much uncertainty was felt, at 
several passages, from the failure of the texture of the paper and the 
disappearance of the ink. But confidence is felt in the copy of every 
word, except the Italicized ones. A small part of the paper is lost, 
where was, probably, given what is here inserted in [ ]. 

The well known hand of the first Governor Winthrop, to whom, with- 
out possibility of doubt., the letter was addressed, has labelled it, — <: 31' 
W ms about Wequash and the NeipneUs." 

For the year of writing, we may find adequate proof in favor of 1G37. 
It is seen that the date is 15 ,!j of 5 h month, or July. .That day was 
Saturday. We learn from Winthrop's History, I. 232, that Juane- 
mo (or Ayanemo, as he spells the name) had in that year come to 
Boston, and made certain propositions, to which answer was promised 
on the next day. The first day mentioned was 12 of 5, which was Wed- 
nesday. Difficulties occurring on the assigned day, the Sachem was 
not dismissed, lovingly, until Friday, and then with written instruc- 
tions to our friends in the neighbouring colony how to treat him. He 
could not, therefore, before Sunday, well deliver his despatches to Wil- 
liams, whose reply to the instructions, given in the postscript, was 
written on Monday, probably, though the date of this part of the letter 
is not given. 

Both Wequash and Juanemo were unfriends, if not open enemies, 
"of Miantunnomu. — 2\] 



Note. — This letter, is not ainon:: the papers of the Winlhrop family, but in the 
Library of the Historical Society, ami was received too late to be inserted in 'i* place. 
The remainder of the Winthrop Papers will be published in the next volume. 



S :'■-' '